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Circumstantial evidence indicates that the emphatics may also have been glottalized in Akkadian, Ancient Hebrew cf. Ungnad — Matous Hopper — According to this constraint, two ejectives cannot cooccur in a root. B Pharyngealization is not incompatible with voicing, but glottalization is cf. Thus, Arabic has voiced as well as voiceless emphatics cf. Al-Ani — 58; Ambros — 10 and 13 — In Hebrew and Aramaic, however, the emphatics are never voiced cf.

Cantineau ; Moscati — 24 , and the same is most likely true for Akkadian and Ugaritic as well. C Pharyngealization is always accompanied by the backing of contiguous vowels cf. Hyman ; Ladefoged — Similar backing is sometimes also found in conjunction with glottalization.

Indeed, in all of the Neo-Aramaic dialects mentioned above, vowels are always backed when next to emphatic consonants, regardless of how the emphatics are realized. However, while backing of adjacent vowels is a mandatory corollary of pharyngealization, it is optional with glottalization.

Therefore, since the emphatics of Arabic are pharyngealized, contiguous vowels are always backed cf. Al-Ani — 24; Cantineau ; Martinet [] No such backing is observable in either Akkadian or Hebrew cf. Cantineau ; Martinet [] — ; Moscati — Now, it is extremely unlikely that Proto-Semitic possessed a bilabial emphatic cf. Cantineau — 81; Moscati A gap at this point of articulation would be easy to understand if the emphatics had been ejectives in Proto-Semitic.

Though an emphatic bilabial must be reconstructed for Proto-Afrasian, it was extremely rare cf. Ehret Such a low frequency of occurrence agrees fully with the distributional patterning of bilabial ejectives in attested languages having such sounds. The cumulative evidence leaves little doubt that the emphatics were glottalized ejectives in Proto-Semitic and not pharyngealized as in Arabic.

This conclusion is also reached by Bergstrasser and , Cantineau — 94 , Del Olmo Lete , Martinet [] and [] — , Rubin , Steiner , Stempel —67 , and Zemanek — 53 , among others. Lipinski — , on the other hand, supports the traditional view that pharyngealization was primary.

According to Dolgopolsky — 13 , the pharyngealized emphatics of Arabic can be derived from earlier ejectives through the following steps: 1. First, vowels were backed when next to emphatic consonants. Next, the glottalization was weakened and eventually lost. Non-emphatic voiceless consonants were then distinguished from emphatics by the presence of the feature of aspiration.

Furthermore, vowels were backed when next to emphatics but not when next to non-emphatics. This is the stage of development reached by the Neo-Aramaic dialect of Tur-'Abdln. Lastly, aspiration was lost, and the emphatics were distinguished from the non- emphatic voiceless consonants solely by backing that is, pharyngealization. The evidence from the other branches of Afrasian supports the contention that the emphatics were ejectives not only in Proto-Semitic but in Proto-Afrasian as well cf.

Cohen —; Diakonoff The emphatics were lost as a separate series in Ancient Egyptian cf. Loprieno ; Vergote The developments probably went as follows: 1. First, the voiced consonants became devoiced. We may note that a similar development is found in several East Cushitic languages, Somali being one example.

In the modern Berber languages, the emphatics are pharyngealized as in Arabic cf. Both voiced and voiceless emphatics exist. We may assume that the pharyngealized emphatics found in the Berber languages are due to secondary developments. No doubt, the emphatics developed in Berber in much the same way as they did in Arabic.

Ruhlen Jungraithmayr — Shimizu — 20 , however, reconstruct a system for Proto-Chadic similar to what is found in Flausa, with bilabial and dental implosives and sibilant and velar ejectives. Finally, Ehret mostly follows Jungraithmayr — Shimizu. The Cushitic and Omotic languages provide the strongest evidence in favor of interpreting the emphatics of Proto- Afrasian as ejectives. The Cushitic languages Awngi Awiya and Galab possess neither implosives nor ejectives and can, therefore, be left out of consideration since they do not represent the original state of affairs.

Of the remaining Cushitic languages, Beja Bedawye , for example, has the voiceless and voiced retroflexes t and d cf. Maddieson , no. Sasse ] cf. For information on the East Cushitic languages, cf. Sasse and Hudson ; for the Southern Cushitic languages, cf. For additional information on Kafa, Dizi, and Hamar, see Bender ed. Hayward ed. For details about the development of the emphatics in the Afrasian daughter languages as a group, cf.

Diakonoff — 29, —41, and —64; D. Cohen — Several modern Eastern Arabic dialects have p in loanwords cf. Lipinski Semitic correspondences cf. Each language is given in traditional transcription. Cantineau — 91; Martinet [] as well as in Proto-Afrasian cf. Cohen The aspiration was phonemically non-distinctive. However, as he himself admits, the evidence for this sound is extremely weak. However, a glottalized bilabial must be reconstructed for Proto-Afrasian cf.

Diakonoff ; Ehret This sound was characterized by an extremely low frequency of occurrence. Afrasian correspondences cf. Allen — 56; Loprieno — 34 [Loprieno interprets the traditional voiced stops as ejectives]; Vergote Diakonoff , note 2, and 61 — 62; Moscati — Moscati — 45; Lipinski — ; Brockelmann — Secondary palatalization of the dentals before front vowels is a widespread phenomenon, being especially common in the Semitic languages of Ethiopia and in Chadic.

Consequently, the reflexes given in this and other tables should be considered provisional. Bergstrasser and ; Brockelmann — There is some evidence, however, that at least some examples involving this series were originally composed of dental affricates instead cf. This does not mean that the independent existence of sibilants in the Semitic parent language is to be excluded. The primary evidence for earlier dental affricates comes from Hebrew and Akkadian cf.

Diakonoff — Lipinski , however, considers this pronunciation to be an innovation. Next, it is now known that the Hittite cuneiform syllabary was borrowed at the beginning of the second millennium BCE directly from the form of Old Akkadian then written in Northern Syria cf.

Gamkrelidze — 92 and not from Hurrian as previously thought cf. Martinet 1 [ ] Since the Akkadian cuneiform syllabary contained signs traditionally transliterated as s in addition to those transliterated as s, we must conclude that the Hittite scribes chose the latter signs because they were closer to their sibilant than the former. Additional evidence for affricate pronunciation comes from Egyptian material dating from the second millennium BCE.

Diakonoff ; for examples, cf. Albright — For details on the developments in the Semitic daughter languages, see Diakonoff — 55 and Moscati — Such a pronunciation, at least for the emphatic member, is traditional among certain Jews in reading Biblical Hebrew. Furthermore, it is attested in Ethiopic.

There are important arguments in favor [of such an interpretation] on the basis of external evidence: in particular, the Hittite use of the Akkadian sign interpreted as z to indicate an affricate. Brockelmann — Cohen — ; Ehret — ; Diakonoff The developments found in all branches of Afrasian can best be accounted for by reconstructing a series of dental affricates for Proto-Afrasian cf.

Cohen ; Diakonoff — 39; Orel — Stolbova xix; Ehret — It may be noted that this series is well preserved in Southern Cushitic and that it has even endured to the present day in Dahalo cf. Finally, it should be mentioned here that affricates have arisen through secondary developments in all branches of Afrasian. But, outside of Common Arabic, these sounds are represented, depending upon the language, sometimes as palato- alveolar fricatives, sometimes as sibilants, and sometimes as plain dental stops.

Such correspondences can only be explained clearly if the series in question is considered to have been in Proto-Hamito-Semitic, as well as in Proto-Semitic, made up of palatals. Cantineau — 82 , however, reconstructs earlier palato- alveolars apicales «a pointe basse » — he notes: But it is difficult to determine whether it is a question at the Semitic level of true fricatives or of affricates.

Martinet [] — posits palatalized alveolar stops for Proto-Semitic. Stempel — 50 also posits palatalized alveolars here. Ehret — , especially the charts on pp. The oldest Akkadian may have preserved this series. Gelb Kogan — Korotayev ; Stempel — 50; Lipinski — Cohen — note that, in addition to Proto-Semitic, such a reconstruction is strongly supported by Proto- Southern Cushitic.

Though there are many points of agreement among Semiticists, there is still no consensus on the number of sibilants to be reconstructed for Proto-Semitic. The sibilants remain one of the most perplexing problems in both Semitic and Afrasian comparative phonology. According to the traditional reconstruction, Proto-Semitic is assumed to have had the following sibilants cf. Moscati ; Lipinski and Ethiopian Semitic cf. However, s has reappeared in modern Arabic dialects and modern Ethiopian Semitic languages through secondary developments cf.

Lipinski — Diakonoff set up this sibilant on a purely theoretical basis, noting that it was not preserved in any of the Afrasian daughter languages, with the possible exception of the most ancient stage of Old Akkadian, where it is alleged to have become s [s]. Bergstrasser , table 2, and , table 2; Brockelmann — The voiceless fricative lateral s corresponds to sibilants in the other Semitic languages excluding Hebrew, for the moment : Mehri, Jibbali formerly called Sheri , Harsusi, Soqotri.

In Hebrew, however, a special character, adapted from sin and transliterated as s , appears in words whose cognates in the South Arabian languages contain fricative laterals cf. Martinet 1 [1 ] I prefer lateralized affricates to fricative laterals because the former provide a better basis for comparison with cognates in other Afrasian languages. The original pronunciation of the Arabic sound transliterated as d iW can be determined by the testimony of the native grammarians cf.

Cantineau ; Steiner — 67 and from the evidence of loanwords in other languages cf. Steiner — In all probability, this sound was originally a voiced emphatic fricative lateral cf. Cantineau ; Steiner — Either reconstruction can also account for the developments found in the other Semitic daughter languages. As for the Modern South Arabian languages, it is represented by a lateralized dental emphatic in Soqotri, while in Mehri, Harsusi, and Jibbali, it is represented by a lateralized interdental fricative emphatic transcribed d.

In Geez, its reflex is generally transcribed as d. Lambdin Cantineau and Steiner — Moscati — 44; Lipinski — ; Stempel — 60; Brockelmann — Cohen — , voiceless and glottalized lateralized affricates should also be reconstructed for Proto-Afrasian.

Orel — Stolbova xvi reconstruct the same set as Diakonoff. Proto-Semitic has become g [dz] sometimes transcribed j in Classical Arabic cf. Secondary palatalization of the velars is a common innovation in modern Arabic dialects, in modern South Arabian languages, and in Ethiopian Semitic cf. Lipinski — The labiovelars are a secondary development and do not go back to Proto-Semitic. There are several other notable secondary developments for this series cf.

Moscati ; Gray ; Lipinski —; Stempel ; Brockelmann — Cohen —; Diakonoff and 22—25; Ehret —; Orel — Stolbova xvi. Both secondary palatalization of the velars as well as a tendency toward fricative pronunciation are widespread developments in the Afrasian daughter languages. Vergote , a good example being: Arabic subd P,?

Examples such as this can be accounted for by reconstructing a series of palatalized velars for Proto-North Erythraean, which Ehret — sets up as the ancestor of Proto-Chadic, Proto-Semitic, Pre-Egyptian, and Proto-Berber. Loprieno The Chadic, Berber, and Omotic developments are uncertain. If these sounds are not due to secondary developments within Chadic itself, it may be that the original palatalized velars of Proto-North Erythraean were preserved in Proto- Chadic.

In addition to the correspondences that make it seem likely that Proto-Afrasian had a series of plain velars, there are still other correspondences that point to the existence of a series of labiovelars in Proto-Afrasian cf. Cohen ; M. The labiovelars were preserved in Proto-Southern Cushitic cf. Ehret — 36 and Proto- Chadic cf. Newman Orel — Stolbova , on the other hand, do not reconstruct a series of labiovelars for Proto-Afrasian.

The liquids are well preserved in the Semitic daughter languages, but the glides are subject to various modifications: In later Akkadian, the glides were lost initially cf. Diakonoff and 32 — 35; Ehret — and ; Orel — Stolbova xx.

The Ancient Egyptian developments require special comment. Egyptian did not have separate signs for IV. There can be no doubt, however, that IV existed as an independent phonemic entity since it occurs as such in the later Coptic. Loprieno , note c; Peust —; Vergote Similar developments can be observed for t, d, and n.

In some instances, y represents either an earlier glottal stop or an earlier w. These same sounds were completely lost medially between a preceding vowel and a following non-syllabic in Akkadian. This change caused the vowel to be lengthened.

Examples: 1. Militarev , no. Likewise in modern Arabic dialects, where original? Kaye — Rosenhouse In Tigre and Tigrinya, h and h have merged into h, while all of the earlier laryngeal and pharyngeal fricatives tend to be lost in South Ethiopic cf. On the other hand, h, and h are preserved in Harari, Argobba, and several dialects of Gurage under certain conditions cf.

Moscati — 45; Lipinski — ; Stempel — 63; Gray and 19; Buccellati b: 18; Brockelmann — Indeed, the correspondences adduced to support the reconstruction of voiceless and voiced velar fricatives in Proto-Afrasian are controversial, and in 36 CHAPTER TWO some cases, it can be shown that secondary developments have led to the appearance of these sounds in the daughter languages.

Moreover, some examples of voiceless and voiced velar fricatives are considered by some specialists to be reflexes of earlier postvelars. Finally, there is some confusion among the reflexes found in the daughter languages. Labialized varieties of these sounds may also have existed cf. These sounds were generally preserved in the earlier stages of the Afrasian daughter languages, the main exceptions being Berber, where they seem to have been mostly lost, and Chadic, where they were partially lost.

Vergote For discussion, correspondences, and examples, cf. The oldest Egyptian cf. Callender — 9; Gardiner —; Loprieno and ; Vergote Prasse probably had vowel systems identical to that posited traditionally for Proto-Semitic, though modern Berber languages are quite diverse in their vowel systems cf.

Kossmann — Ancient Egyptian may have had a schwa-like vowel a as well. As noted by Ehret — details are given on pp. The problems of vocalic patterning — within the larger context of root structure patterning in Proto-Semitic — have been thoroughly investigated by Diakonoff —, —, and — According to Diakonoff, in non-derivative nominal stems, the vocalic patterning differs from that posited for Proto-Semitic as a whole: 1.

There were no original long vowels in non-derivative nominal stems in Proto- Semitic. This leads Diakonoff to posit syllabic resonants similar to those reconstructed for Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Kartvelian. This view is particularly controversial and is not widely accepted — it is rejected by Ehret , for example. Diakonoff then continues by discussing the ramifications of his theories, including the patterning in verbal stems.

See also Kogan According to Sasse , Proto-East Cushitic had the following ten vowels: i u I u e o e o a a Ehret reconstructs fourteen vowels for Proto-Southern Cushitic. Ehret notes, however, that this system may have developed from an earlier six vowel system similar to that traditionally reconstructed for Proto-Semitic.

Such a reconstruction has indeed been proposed by a number of scholars. However, when the vocalic patterning is subjected to careful analysis, it becomes clear that a reconstruction modeled after that of Proto-Semitic does not represent the original state. They also noted that the original vocalism of verbs is represented by West Chadic and Arabic imperfectives. Orel — Stolbova xxi — xxiv. They do not reconstruct long vowels for Proto-Afrasian.

This is essentially the position taken by Diakonoff. Ehret claims that long vowels are not required at the Proto-Semitic level and that the long vowels found in the Semitic daughter languages are due to developments specific to each language. He sees the Proto- Semitic system as due to an innovation in which an earlier, more complicated system has been substantially reduced. It may be noted here that the system proposed by Ehret is more natural from a typological perspective than that proposed by Orel — Stolbova.

Until fairly recently, there was strong resistance to look objectively at the data from all of the branches of the Afrasian language family, far too much emphasis being placed on the importance of the Semitic branch alone, which was often uncritically taken to represent the original state of affairs. In the Semitic branch, the vast majority of roots are triconsonantal. It is certain, however, that at one time there were more biconsonantal roots and that the triconsonantal system has been greatly expanded in Semitic at the expense of roots with other than three consonants cf.

Moscati — 75; Ullendorf — 72; Militarev An additional method of forming secondary roots is the one well known from Proto-Indo-European, viz. In an article published in , Christopher Ehret closes the case. Through careful analysis, fully supported by well-chosen examples from Arabic, Ehret demonstrates that the third consonantal elements of Semitic triconsonantal roots were originally suffixes, which, in the majority of cases examined by him, had served as verb extensions.

In particular, he identifies and categorizes thirty-seven such extensions. In subsequent works — 54, a, b, and a , Ehret expands his investigation to encompass other branches of Afrasian. He concludes : The laying out of the comparative Afroasiatic data, undertaken in Chapter 5, shows that just two fundamental stem shapes can be reconstructed for proto- Afroasiatic, CVC and C V , the latter having the possible alternative shape VC in verb roots.

To the stem could be added any of a number of nominalizing suffixes of the form - V C- or any of a great variety of verb extensions of the shape - V C-. The evidence makes it probable that the underlying form of such suffixes was usually -C-, with the surfacing of a preceding vowel depending on, and its particular realization in different Afroasiatic subgroups predictable from, the syllable structure rules of the particular groups. The particular outcomes of such processes will not be further argued here, but will be left to future studies.

Originally, these suffixes appear to have been utilized primarily as verb extensions. Depending upon when they became separated from the rest of the Afrasian speech community, each branch exploited to a different degree the patterning that was just beginning to develop in the Afrasian parent language, with Semitic carrying it to the farthest extreme.

It thus emerges that the rules governing the structural patterning of roots and stems in the earliest stage of Proto-Afrasian cf. Diakonoff — 56 are as follows: 1. There were no initial vowels in the earliest form of Proto-Afrasian. Therefore, every root began with a consonant. It should be noted that Ehret [] assumes that roots could begin with vowels in Proto-Afrasian. Originally, there were no initial consonant clusters either.

Consequently, every root began with one and only one consonant. Permissible root forms coincided with these two syllable types. Any consonant could serve as a suffix. Primary that is, non-derivational noun stems displayed similar patterning, though, unlike verb stems, they were originally characterized by stable vocalism. There were three fundamental stem types in Proto-Afrasian: A verb stems, B noun and adjective stems, and C pronoun and indeclinable stems.

Pronoun and indeclinable stems could end in a vowel. TVs have been subjected to comparative-historical investigation in only two groups of Afroasiatic languages. In Omotic they have no reconstructible function beyond their necessary attachment to singular noun stems in semantically predictable fashion. With the exception of Kafa, in which two TVs, -o and -e, have been grammaticalized respectively as masculine and feminine markers, they carry no grammatical or recognizable semantic load Hayward In proto-Southern Cushitic, pairs of TVs formed a variety of singular-plural markers.

Particular paired sets tended to go with either masculine or feminine nouns, but an individual TV on a singular noun generally gave no indication of the grammatical gender of that noun Ehret — From these indicators it seems reasonable to conclude that TVs are fossils of a nominal morphology productive in pre-proto-Afroasiatic and predating the rise of grammatical gender in the family. Having lost their original grammatical function, they have been reanalyzed as markers of the singular or sometimes, as in the case of Southern Cushitic, of the plural in nominals.

In the Boreafrasian subgroup Semitic, Egyptian, and Berber: see Chapter 6 for this classification , the TVs have generally been dropped entirely, leaving most nouns and adjectives as consonant-final words. The existence of TVs at early stages of Afroasiatic evolution obviates the need to reconstruct any syllabic consonants for PAA. The presence of syllabic 42 CHAPTER TWO C in Boreafrasian languages can be understood as the natural outcome of vowel loss, whether word-internal or word-final, within that particular subgroup as is also separately the case in a few modern Omotic languages, notably Bench and Maji, where the same kind of sound change has independently been at work.

The consonants carried the basic meaning of the stem in Proto-Semitic, while the vowels were used as internal grammatical morphemes: that is to say, grammatical categorization was partially achieved by means of fixed vocalic patterning, at least in verb stems for more information, see the Appendix to this chapter; see also Rubio It is thus now certain beyond any reasonable doubt that the third consonantal element of the Proto-Semitic root, be it infix or suffix, was simply not a part of the root, in the overwhelming majority of cases, at the Proto-Afrasian level and that the underlying basic root structure patterning was biconsonantal.

It may be summarized as follows cf. The Ethiopian script was not included in those tables — it is as follows cf. It is as follows cf. The Ahaggar Tuareg consonant system may be taken as a representative example cf.

Labialization could not occur before back vowels in Proto-Southern Cushitic; it is only found before central and front vowels. For more information, see the table of sound correspondences in Jungraithmayr — Ibriszimow Nevertheless, it is possible to trace, in broad outline, some of the developments that may have occurred, though much still remains uncertain.

Though Afrasian plays a critical role in the reconstruction of Proto-Nostratic morphology, there were many developments that occurred within Proto-Afrasian proper after it became separated from the rest of the Nostratic speech community.

In this appendix, an attempt will be made to provide explanations for how some of the unique characteristics of Proto-Afrasian morphology may have come into being. Gender: Proto-Nostratic nouns did not distinguish gender, and Pre -Proto- Afrasian nouns must also have lacked this category. However, based upon the evidence of the Afrasian daughter languages, gender must be reconstructed as an inherent part of noun morphology in Proto-Afrasian proper.

Like Proto-Nostratic, Proto-Afrasian was most likely an active language. Two declensional types were inherited by Proto-Afrasian from Proto-Nostratic, each of which was distinguished by a special set of markers: 1. It is a translation of Italian forma assoluta first used by Moreno in cf. Sasse discusses the development of this system within Cushitic and ends by noting that traces of the above patterning can also be found in Berber and Semitic Proto-Semitic nom.

Hasselbach ]. It is well known that in addition to the semantic category of neutral sex which is of minor importance the Cushitic gender categories primarily denote the notions of social significance masculine vs. Since the primary function of subject and object cases is the distinction of agent and patient nouns, it is clear that case marking is more important for those noun classes that are designated to denote items which normally occur on both agents and patients i.

There is an interesting parallel in Indo-European, where neuter nouns generally do not distinguish subject and object. The personal pronouns and the demonstratives are naturally excluded from this neutralization, because they are more likely to refer to animates. This must have been the oldest patterning, and, inasmuch as there are traces of this patterning in Berber and Semitic, it must ultimately go back to Proto-Afrasian. For more information on how the category of gender is treated in the various branches, cf.

This is an important piece of information, for it allows us to ascertain what the most archaic forms of the personal pronouns may have been and to speculate about their later development. Welaitta 1st sg. It should be noted that the first person singular and plural were originally two distinct stems. No doubt, the changes described above occurred over a long period of time and may not have been fully completed by the time that the individual Afrasian daughter languages began to appear.

Each daughter language, in turn, modified the inherited system in various ways. Here are attested forms in select Afrasian daughter languages only the singular and plural forms are given cf. Lipinski —; Moscati ; Stempel ; Diakonoff —73; Gray ; Gardiner ; Frajzyngier — Shay [eds. Conjugation: Proto-Afrasian had two conjugations: 1 a prefix conjugation active and 2 a suffix conjugation stative.

The prefix conjugation became fixed in Proto-Afrasian, while the suffix conjugation was flexible. Thus, the various daughter languages inherited a common prefix conjugation from Proto- Afrasian except for Egyptian , while the suffix conjugations differed slightly from branch to branch. The Proto-Afrasian personal prefixes were as follows cf.

Diakonoff ; D. Bomhard It may be noted in passing that similar forms are found in several Indo-European daughter languages for example, Hittite and Greek. Masculine and feminine are not distinguished in the 3rd plural. One of the most striking characteristics of the Semitic verb is the overwhelming preponderance of triconsonantal roots: CCC. Another salient characteristic is that the lexical meaning falls exclusively on the consonants.

The vowels, on the other hand, alternate according to well-defined patterns that indicate specific inflectional and derivational functions. That is to say, the vowels have morphological rather than semantic significance. The triconsonantal template and the apophonic alternations form a tightly integrated system. Moscati — 75; Brockelmann — and — 97; Bergstrasser — 7 and —6; Diakonoff ; Lipinski — and —; Rubin —28 and 43—47; Stempel — In Proto-Afrasian, one of the grammatical functions of vowels was to serve as aspect markers in active verb stems.

The innovation that led to the rise of apophony was the modification of the vowel of the first syllable to indicate different morphological functions in imitation of the patterning of the second syllable. A repercussion of the rise of apophony was the need to bring all verbal roots into conformity with the triconsonantal scheme, at the expense of other root types. The reason for this was that the emerging apophonic patterning could only function properly within the context of a fairly rigid structure.

This system became so tightly integrated that it was, for all practical purposes, impervious to further change. Even to the present day, the verbal patterning is highly homologous among the Semitic daughter languages. For details, see especially Diakonoff — and Kurylowicz ; Rubio Rossler is also of interest. State: Proto-Semitic nouns had two distinct forms, depending upon their syntactic function: 1 construct state; 2 free state additional states are found in the daughter languages.

The construct state was used when a noun governed a following element. It had no special marker and was the unmarked form. The free state was used elsewhere and was the marked form. Rubin — In Proto- Semitic, they were reinterpreted as markers of the free state. Klein ; Murtonen Klein ; Murtonen ; Jastrow — Vycichl ; Cemy Hudson Klein ; Leslau ; Murtonen Leslau Leslau and Klein ; Leslau , , and ; Murtonen — Klein Klein 1; Leslau — Sasse and Klein — ; Murtonen — Zammit Zammit ; Murtonen ; Klein ; Leslau —64, , and Zammit ; Murtonen ; Klein ; Leslau Klein ; Leslau ; Murtonen — Murtonen Leslau , , and Hannig ; Vycichl ; Cerny Klein ; Murtonen ; Zammit Vycichl ; Cerny Hannig — and ; Gardiner ; Erman — Grapow and — Hannig ; Faulkner ; Erman — Grapow — Hannig —; Faulkner ; Erman— Grapow and — Reinisch Jungraithmayr — Ibriszimow Faulkner — 95; Hannig ; Gardiner ; Erman — Grapow and — Klein ; Leslau — and ; Murtonen Hannig and ; Faulkner ; Gardiner ; Vycichl ; Cerny ; Erman — Grapow , 57, and — Orel — Stolbova , no.

Leslau , —, and Faulkner ; Erman — Grapow and — Ill : vb. Klein , , and —; Leslau and ; Murtonen Murtonen ; Leslau ; Klein Faulkner and 91; Erman — Grapow ; Harrnig and Appleyard ; Reinisch Klein ; Leslau and ; Murtonen — ; Zammit Klein ; Leslau Erman — Grapow — Hebrew palal [V?

Hannig ; Erman— Grapow and — Hannig ; Erman — Grapow — Cohen — ; Leslau and ; Hudson Note: Some of the Berber forms may be borrowed from Semitic. Sasse Leslau ]. Klein ; Murtonen ; D. Cohen — — 45; Klein ; Murtonen ; Leslau ; Tomback Hudson ; Leslau Cohen — , 50, and 61; Leslau Hannig ; Ernian — Grapow and — Cohen — ; Zammit Cohen — ; Klein ; Zammit Zammit : Cohen — and 49; Klein ; Murtonen Hannig ; Erman — Grapow — Newman , no. Cohen — — Erman — Grapow and — Cohen — ; Klein ; Leslau ; Murtonen Cohen — ; Murtonen ; Klein Cohen — ; Klein ; Murtonen Cohen — ; Leslau and Cohen — ; Leslau Hannig — and ; Faulkner ; Erman — Grapow — Sasse ; Hudson Murtonen ; D.

Cohen — — 68; Klein ; Leslau Cohen — — ; Klein ; Leslau Hudson and — Cohen — — 69; Leslau and —95; Zammit — ; Murtonen Note: According to Leslau , these forms are loans from Ethiopian Semitic. Cohen — ; Murtonen Cohen — ; Leslau , , and Hudson and Heine Sasse ; Hudson — 50 and Reinisch ; Appleyard Leslau — Hebrew bard? Klein ; D. Hannig ; Erman— Grapow — Cohen — ; Klein Cohen — ; Klein ; Leslau ; Murtonen ; Zammit Cohen — ; Leslau — Cohen — ; Klein ; Leslau and —; Murtonen Cohen — ; Leslau and — Cerny ; Vycichl ].

Sasse and 40; Hudson and Cohen — — 81; Klein Hudson , , and Cohen — ; Murtonen —; Klein ; Tomback ; Zammit — 92; Leslau — Cohen — ; Klein ; Murtonen ; Zammit Cohen — — 63; Zammit Ongota bi? Fleming b Cohen — — 40; Leslau ; Zammit Reinisch ; Appleyard a Semitic: Proto-Semitic m.

Cohen — — 71; Zammit ; Klein ; Elannig ; Faulkner ; Erman — Grapow and — Elannig Cohen — — 45; Klein Murtonen ; Klein ; D. Cohen — — 80; Zammit — Cohen — ; Zammit : — Cohen — ; Klein ; Leslau Cohen — ; Klein ; Leslau and Cohen — :. Cohen — , 83, and 87; Leslau Klein and Cohen — ; Murtonen — ; Klein ; Leslau —; Militarev ; Zammit Skinner Hannig ; Erman — Grapow and — Heine and Hudson ; Sasse Ehret , no.

Murtonen ; Klein ; Leslau Note: According to Orel — Stolbova , no. Hannig and ; Faulkner ; Gardiner ; Erman — Grapow Reinisch — Klein ; Leslau — Klein — Klein ; Murtonen — Hannig ; Faulkner ; Erman— Grapow and — Central Somali ma main sentence negative particle ; Dasenech ma. Ongota negative imperative verb prefix ma-, negative non-imperative verb prefix mi- cf. Murtonen ; Klein ; Zammit Faulkner ; Hannig ; Gardiner ; Erman — Grapow and — Hannig ; Faulkner ; Erman — Grapow and — Zarnmit Leslau ; Militarev and Hannig — ; Erman — Grapow and — Ehret ; Takacs — Semitic: Arabic malaga inf.

Egyptian inn 1? Erman — Grapow , 66 and — Murtonen ; Klein Murtonen ; Klein ; Leslau , , and ; Zammit — Hannig ; Faulkner ; Erman — Grapow and — Hudson ; Sasse and Zammit ; Leslau , , and — Hannig and ; Faulkner ; Gardiner ; Erman — Grapow and — Sasse and ; Hudson and Sasse ]. Murtonen ; Klein ; Leslau ; Zammit Sasse and — Sasse — ; Hudson Klein — ; Murtonen Murtonen — ; Klein ; Zammit — Hannig and ; Faulkner —; Gardiner ; Erman— Grapow and — Proto-Semitic reduplicated mat'-mat'- vb.

Cohen —, no. Murtonen ; Klein ; Leslau , , and ; Zammit Hannig — ; Faulkner ; Gardiner ; Erman — Grapow and — Klein and ; Murtonen ; Tomback For the semantics, cf. Lipinski —; Klein , , and ; Leslau , , , and , , ; Zammit Hannig ; Faulkner ; Gardiner ; Ennan — Grapow and — Egyptian m? Flannig and ; Erman — Grapow — Jungraithmayr — Ibriszimow 1 Hannig ; Faulkner ; Gardiner ; Erman — Grapow and — Egyptian fem.

Hannig and ; Faulkner and ; Gardiner and ; Erman— Grapow , , and — Berber: Tuareg demonstrative stem f. Also used as 3rd person verbal suffix: Tuareg m. Proto-Southem Cushitic fem. Klein and ; Murtonen ; D. Hannig — ; Faulkner ; Gardiner ; Erman — Grapow and — Egyptian Demotic try? Vycichl and ; Cerny Hannig and ; Faulkner ; Ernian — Grapow and — See the Appendix to Chapter 2 for more information on the development of this pronoun.

Cushitic: Central Cushitic: Bilin sg. Reinisch ; Appleyard — Proto-East Cushitic 2nd sg. Proto-East Cushitic 2nd pi. Proto-Highland East Cushitic 2nd sg. Proto- Southern Cushitic pi. Ehret — Zammit — Hannig —; Erman— Grapow — and — Note: Ehret [, no.

Leslau , and Faulkner — ; Erman— Grapow and — Sasse — ; Hudson , , and Appleyard Leslau , , and — Erman — Grapow and — Hannig Sasse and ; Hudson ; Heine Cohen — 1— Cohen — — ; Leslau —53, —, and Berber: Ahaggar adah pi. Cohen — — ; Klein — ; Murtonen ; Tomback Cohen — — ; Leslau —; Murtonen Elannig ; Faulkner —; Gardiner ; Erman— Grapow and — Hudson and ; Sasse Cohen — :3 Burrow — Emeneau , no.

The preview shows page 6 - 8 out of 22 pages. Perlu diketahui, pengertian kerjasama internasional sendiri Globalisasi adalah fenomena yang memungkinkan menipisnya batas antar suatu negara dan negara lainnya. Sumber: Pixabay. Dalam banyak hal, Pihak yang menyalurkan barang dari produsen ke konsumen disebut? Pengertian indeks harga dan peranannya dalam kegiatan ekonomi. Yuk simak! Sobat OCBC, sudah tahu apa itu indeks harga? Jadi sederhananya, indeks harga adalah suatu ukuran statistik yang digunakan Pak Sahrul dan Pak Ahsin mengendarai mobil dengan arah yang berlawanan seperti gambar berikut 2 months ago.

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Kiat Bagus Yang disebut. Apa saja yang dapat dijelaskan oleh angka indeks harga? Buatlah percakapan yang berisi ungkapan permintaan maaf dari cerita 29 seconds ago. Arti kata "clare degrassi" bahasa Inggris dalam bahasa Indonesia 3 minutes ago.

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