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Overview of the chapters The eight chapters that comprise this volume have been split into two large temporal foci: before and after the presidential election. Schwarcz delves into the past and shows that a long experience of slavery, patrimonialism and fiefdoms, lack of equal access to education, and violence continue to inform naturalised structures of hierarchy which shape a deeply unequal society.

Attentive to the paradoxes of a country that has been oscillating between a self-image of tolerance and openness to diversity and a public exaltation of intolerance, as we have witnessed especially in recent years, she reminds us that democracy has, since its inception, been an inconclusive process, one that always needs to be remade and broadened. Arruti and Thaisa Held similarly emphasise the interruptions and continuities of the process of democratisation, focusing on the challenges faced by quilombolas in accessing and protecting their constitutionally guaranteed rights.

Their discussion, split into two main parts, examines how the processes of democratisation and de-democratisation affect the process of constructing the quilombola population communities originally created by formerly enslaved people and their descendants as a political and legal actor. In the first part, Arruti and Held show that despite the protection of quilombola collective rights to land and culture in the Brazilian Constitution, the recognition of these rights has always been a hard- won conquest by the quilombolas, who faced important setbacks and were met with institutional resistance throughout the period of democratisation.

In the second part, they outline some of the most visible and immediate effects of the de-democratisation process on quilombola communities. In the third chapter, Camila Rocha explores the origins of the New Right in Brazil, highlighting the role of social media in providing alternative spaces for debate and the dissemination of ideas that did not always find space in traditional media, even from the early digital period in Brazil. Evangelicals have pushed forth a moral and intellectual transformation of the cultural background of Brazilian societies, attempting to bring their agendas on sexuality, gender, family and education into institutional politics, disrupting a historically established conception of laicidade.

Due to this scenario, Lehmann asks us to take the evangelical presence in Brazilian society seriously in his effort to understand how their votes shaped the elections. He discusses the ways it may have influenced the political polarisation in the run-up to the previous presidential election, but also presents some of the challenges the progressive parties may face in the next.

Following their thread of hidden meanings, images, symbols and gaps in stories, Lehmann shows how this religious mindset put together a narrative of messianic unfolding. Inspired by a particular perception of Israel and the Jews, the messianic configuration connects the text, the ritual practices and support of Brazilian foreign policy in the Middle East. She takes a close look at the ways racial categories have been socially constructed and transformed in the past few decades.

She does this by focusing on three intersecting levels of analysis: macro, meso, and micro. The previous two foci, and the changes they brought into effect, allow us to better understand the new tensions and disputes at the micro level, especially those around racial classification, and how state institutional practices may sometimes shape the latter.

Her analysis of past categories offers a privileged vantage point from looking at the current administration and the colour-blind project which it embraces. At the same time, she also calls our attention to antithetical tendencies, such as bottom-up initiatives propelled by anti- racism — e.

Black Lives Matter — and the growing visibility and empowerment of Black movements. In chapter six, Andreza A. At first, social media would appear as an equaliser, allowing many unheard voices to enter the public sphere. However, as de Souza Santos shows, there is no equal ability for people to express themselves and, in fact, political exposure can have harmful repercussions to someone living in precarity. The recent labour reform only worsened this situation, creating self- censorship and a current lack of protests.

Through research carried out with a community association and looking at grassroots politics in a small city in the context of economic change, de Souza Santos asks how we can understand the silences in a country marked by protests, and what we can learn from the experience of those small cities.

The divergences from better-known organisations of civil society are striking, even when one looks at this small and progressive strand of the economic elite. How do they understand and approach development? What are their aims and how do they connect with recent economic changes? Anti-PT sentiment has placed some doubts on the future of the left in Brazil, and Garmany wonders about a post-PT future.

Considering the centrality of the party to recent democratic history, how will the left organise in a post-PT political landscape? A more direct and autonomous form of collective action might appear, in which — as we are already beginning to see — alternative organisational networks can change the political landscape.

However, as Garmany emphasises, the digital turn in Brazilian politics might also be far from a progressive change. In the conclusion, the editors reflect on some of the issues raised in the book and consider the horizon s of political possibilities that may be emerging in Brazil ahead of the presidential election. The volume closes with an afterword written by three anthropologists, two of them indigenous Brazilians.

The discussions in this volume bring to light some well-known and other little-explored aspects of contemporary Brazilian society, which, read together, help us better situate the political events that shook the country in recent years and continue to develop in different directions. Combining ethnographic insights with political science, history, sociology and anthropology, the interdisciplinary analyses included here offer a panorama of social and political changes in Brazil, spanning temporal and spatial dimensions.

Their distinct foci, although not always in agreement, prove to be complementary, and together they provide a complex and fascinating account of politics and society in Brazil today. Pointing to continuities and disruptions in the course of those years, the analyses offered are not only valuable guides to unpack and comprehend what has already happened, but also excellent pointers towards what may be coming next.

Acknowledgements The editors would like to thank the anonymous reviewers and Graziella Moraes Silva for their insightful comments on earlier versions of this introduction. Almeida, L. Almeida, R. Almeida, M. Tavares and F. Anderson, P. Arruti, J. Avritzer, L. Barkun, M. DOI: Barros, C. Bethell, L. Bevins, V. Birman, P. Bonfim, E. Brum, E.

Butter, M. Uscinski ed. Caldeira, T. Campos Mello, P. Canovan, M. Carvalho, L. Carvalho Junior, E. Casado, L. Cesarino, L. Curato, N. Dagnino, E. Davis, S. De Carvalho, O. De la Torre, C. Dullo, E. Montero ed. Carrier ed. Hatzikidi ed.

Elchardus, M. Evangelista, R. Ferreira, J. Ferreira ed. Gambetti, Z. Goldstein, A. Gomes, A. Gugliano, M. Hatzikidi, K. Holanda, S. Hunter, W. Ionescu, G. Ionescu and E. Kalil, I. Kapferer, B. Kapferer and D. Kolbert, E. Lacerda, M.

Laclau, E. Lebner, A. Lemos, M. Levitsky, S. Malini, F. Ciarelli and J. Marantz, A. Mazzarella, W. Moffitt, B. Mudde, C. Nagle, A. Neiburg, F. Nemer, D. Nobre, M. Oosterbaan, M. Ostiguy, P. Rovira Kaltwasser, P. Taggart, P. Ochoa Espejo and P. Panizza and B. Pessar, P. Pinheiro-Machado, R. Robin, C. Rocha, C. Roitman, J. Saad-Filho, A. Schwarcz, L. Silva, A. Singer, A. Smith, A. Solano, E. Gallego, P. Ortellado and M. Stavrakakis, Y.

Benevenuto and P. Traverso, E. Urbinati, N. Velho, O. Vital da Cunha, C. Waisbord, S. Warner, M. West, C. Butler et al. Wodak, R. Wodak and P. Zanotta Machado, L. Looking back: how did we get here? The past of the present Lilia Moritz Schwarcz M any Brazilians reacted with shock in the face of growing manifestations of intolerance and the conservative lurch that Brazil has witnessed since Time has moved quickly in these last years, but it has accelerated even more rapidly in Brazil, since the protests of , when Brazilians took to the streets to ask for and demand their rights.

What many did not see at that time is that there were two very different roads, separated and without bifurcations. Familial politics won, an old acquaintance of Brazilian politics. It was in this same context that many governments lurched towards populist and conservative regimes, as was the case in the United States, Israel, Russia, Italy, Philippines, Hungary, Poland, Turkey and Venezuela, who believe that democracy is limited to winning elections. It is not so limited, however, as democracy is a regime that needs to be won every day: democracies are 1 This essay is based on Schwarcz, Everything points towards Brazil passing through a similar experience, but it seems to have learnt nothing from what occurred previously with other nations.

Vieira, These are regimes that, despite being elected, conduct all kinds of attacks against democracy: they enact censorship, are against new forms of gender, and attack institutions, journalists and academics. The historian Timothy Snyder wrote a post that went viral on Facebook. My hypothesis regarding Brazil, however, is that it is neither a circumstantial nor a solely global question.

Brazilians did not become authoritarian and intolerant from one day to the next. We have always been authoritarian but liked to represent ourselves as the opposite: as open, pacifist, harmonious. Brazil carries within it a heavy legacy stemming from slavery, the latifundium and patrimonialism that generated a very unequal society and a structure as hierarchal as it is naturalised.

I am certain these narratives are untrue, and intend to develop this essay by analysing long-running structures that, instead of changing, reiterated and reaffirmed themselves in our reality. History is change, but also repetition, and I would like to consider this here, with the objective of understanding aspects of the crisis we now witness. It received 4. With this, hierarchal structures of power and command were established in a nation where few ordered and many 3 Due to the vastness of the topic, it will not be possible to develop the contents of each theme.

The idea here is to include a series of factors that explain the conservative lurch experienced by contemporary Brazilians. The past of the present 39 obeyed. To this day Brazil practises structural and institutional6 racism — as we can see from the data on the discrimination against these populations.

Indeed, it is Black persons that in Brazil have restricted access to education, are the most harmed by public health services and die the youngest. The intersectionality7 between social markers of difference, such as race, gender and generation, particularly accentuates the vulnerability of these groups, which is reaching epidemic levels.

These numbers reveal very unequal conditions of access to the maintenance of rights and elevated violence with a clear target. Moreover, they indicate patterns of mortality that evoke short-, medium- and long-term historical questions.

To put these figures into proportion, we can note that this data is compatible with the homicide rates in various contemporary civil wars. In the Syrian conflict, which has embroiled the country since , there are sixty thousand deaths per year; in the war in Yemen, which began in , there are approximately twenty-five thousand yearly homicides; in Afghanistan, where conflicts began in , the average is fifty thousand per year. Brazil will not have a republic, in the true sense of the term, if it does not deal with the question of endemic racism prevailing in the country.

In any case, if in Brazil the prevalence of these true paterfamilias has been known since the colonial period, based on the generous distribution of lands and authority on the part of the metropole, and if we remember the figure of the colonels9 during the First Republic, what we see occurring now is a type of revival of these figures, still very enmeshed within the workings of Brazilian politics Leal, In a preliminary survey by the Intersyndical Department for Parliamentary Assistance DIAP , conducted after the last elections, among the new congressmen, representatives and senators were identified as belonging to political clans — an increase of 22 per cent in relation to In Piaui, Iracema Portella Progressives, PP , daughter of the former governor and of a former federal representative, achieved another term in the House while her husband, Ciro Nogueira PP , was re-elected to the Senate.

In Rio Grande do Norte, half of the seats for federal representatives were occupied by relatives — one of those elected is the son of the former governor. Of twelve seats, ten are occupied by congressmen with familial ties to other persons who are already serving some electoral mandate. And there is no coincidence, once it is ascertained that states which most possess families such as these are also those that generally present most wealth concentration and social gaps: fundamental elements to deepening the crisis, when resources are scarce and demand abounds.

The practices of local authoritarianism do not often arise alone. Frequently they are associated with a form of administering the state that, not by accident, implies managing public institutions as if they were private — intimate, even. Finally, in these 30 years of the New Republic, Brazil has not only sought to consolidate democracy, but also to modernise social relations.

It did not manage, however, to deter the practices of patrimonialism that are well rooted and help to explain part of the crisis we are experiencing today. It is for this and other reasons that patrimonialism maintains itself as one of the great enemies of the republic, having the power to undermine and weaken the institutions of the state. The health of a democracy is measured by the robustness of its institutions and, in our case, since colonial times there have been many instances where these were dominated by the interests of groups in power, who appropriate part of the state mechanism for private ends.

The contamination of public and private spaces is, therefore, a heavy legacy of our history, but also a record of the present. The legacy of private powers survives within the very governmental machine. In the House, in , of those elected bore oligarchic last names, being relatives of established politicians. In , the number of parliamentarians with family ties rose to And if patrimonialism is the first enemy of the republic, the second principal adversary goes by the name of corruption.

It pertains to the practice which degrades the confidence that we have in one another and disaggregates public space, misappropriating resources and the rights of citizens. Not by coincidence, it is often associated with the mismanagement of public funds, occasioned by the lack of control of governmental policies. In the management of the state, corruption evokes the act of conceding and receiving undue advantages either by public agents or the private sector, with the goal of obtaining rewards.

Corruption is widely diffused in Brazil, playing a fundamental part in the world of politics, but equally present in human and personal relations. Many examples from Brazilian history show how the practice of corruption became a machine for the government of the country. Especially in times of crisis it tends to corrode the public edifice, extracting currency and resources from areas that really need them.

I refer to healthcare, education and public transport, sectors immediately harmed by these practices. Violence is also a very important element in explaining the current Brazilian crisis and the election result. Many people voted for whoever promised more security and an end to the robberies, thefts and murders. After all, the number of daily homicides in Brazil equals the deaths from a crash of a fully loaded Boeing The past of the present 43 This situation places Brazil in a group of countries considered violent, with mortality indexes thirty times higher than those observed, for example, on the European continent.

About deaths are registered every day in the country and, taking into account the data from , 62, annually. In just the past decade, there have , registered violent deaths. The same report attests that in Brazil, for the first time, the number of violent deaths surpassed sixty thousand per year.

In fact, according to the Atlas of Violence , the country reached the rate of thirty murders per hundred thousand inhabitants for the first time. This says much about the inequality that rules the country, but also regarding the deepening of social gaps, which are even more pronounced in moments of crisis. Slave labour, land divided into latifundium, corruption and patrimonialism, all in large doses, explain the motives that made of the country an unequal reality.

These historical factors do not explain, however, why, despite the process of modernisation and industrialisation that the country experienced in the twentieth century, we were unable to break totally with this vicious cycle of the past. On one side, research has shown that some alterations have occurred, for the better, in the data that measure inequality in Brazil.

According to information collected by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics IBGE, through the National Household Sampling Survey PNAD — which analysed the living conditions of Brazilians in — the slice of national income appropriated by the richest 10 per cent fell in the last years from 46 per cent to 41 per cent, while the part of the poorest 50 per cent grew: from 14 per cent to 18 per cent.

But there are disagreements regarding these results. Between and , this sector of the population has seen their part of income grow from 54 per cent to 55 per cent. However, 40 per cent of the Brazilian population, the middle portion, had their share of national income shrink from 34 per cent to 32 per cent. The same investigation reveals that the richest stratum of the population, which corresponds to only 1 per cent of the population, wolfs down 28 per cent of national income.

According to the institution, for the first time in 23 years Brazil saw its income distribution coming to a halt and poverty breaking out again. The convergence of income between men and women, as well as the levelling of income between whites and Blacks, were also diminished Oxfam, The same document explains that in the last five years the proportion of the population living in poverty has grown, the level of income inequality in the workplace has increased, and infant mortality has expanded.

The index that measures income inequality in the country, the Gini coefficient of per capita household income, which had been decreasing since , stagnated between and For example, between and , the poorest 40 per cent had an income variation worse than the national average. In this same context, women and the Black population present a level of income below that of men and the white population.

These results cannot, however, be read in isolation. They also express the recession experienced by the country, whose levels of unemployment practically doubled, going from 6. Other data reveals that the most affected are, in order of magnitude: Black and brown people, children up to the age of 14, single mothers, Black and brown single mothers, and people over the age of Certainly, it is Black women, the backbone of their families, who have been most affected by the crisis.

The number of white men considered poor increased by 7. Disparity in income distribution between social classes defines inequality in Brazil. According to a Oxfam report, there is a real abyss in relation to fiscal data. The richest 10 per cent pay 21 per cent of their income in taxes, while the poorest 10 per cent pay 32 per cent. Indirect taxes eat up 28 per cent of the income of the poorest 10 per cent and only 10 per cent of the richest 10 per cent.

Inheritance tax, for example, provides approximately 0. In the area of healthcare, the data also reveals an unequivocal inequality between Brazilians of different regions. The majority of people who received no care possessed the following characteristics: women 3. There are also clear regional inequalities, with the largest numbers of untreated persons concentrated in the North and Northeast.

Regardless, the crisis that had been forming for a long time gained momentum in The attacks on minorities and new social agents, therefore, are not aleatory. It is true that every society elaborates its own markers of difference. In the contemporary world, it is also used to justify a type of behaviour that privileges the formation of isolated groups with their own digital media, separated by their interests and polarised in their identities; each becomes its own prisoner, captive within its own bubble.

But these categories do not produce meaning only in isolation; they act, above all, by way of an intimate connection that they establish between each other — which is not to say that they can be reduced to each other. In the list of social markers, with the impact on the reality in which we live, are included categories such as race, generation, place of origin, gender and sex, and other elements that have the capacity to produce diverse forms of hierarchy and subordination.

In our society, the perverse use of these categories has generated different kinds of racism, resulted in femicide, produced much misogyny and homophobia, and justified and disseminated a culture of rape, whose numbers continue to be alarming, but are, at the same time, mostly silenced in the country. Women account for 89 per cent of the victims of sexual violence in Brazil. According to data from IPEA, between and , fifty thousand women were murdered.

Every 7. About 30 per cent of these murders were committed by current or former partners. This number represents an increase of 21 per cent in relation to the previous decade, which indicates that the problem has grown, contrary to expectations. The picture becomes even more dire if we examine the elevated rates of femicide based on the marker of race. According to the data from Waiselfisz , the murder of Black women increased by 54 per cent in the years —13, while for whites it fell by 9. Black women between the ages of 15 and 29 are 2.

Every day, five women die during childbirth and four women die from complications caused by abortions. The past of the present 47 The more Brazilian women have managed to impose their independence and autonomy, the greater has been the masculine reaction and the demonstrations of misogyny and authoritarianism. Meanwhile, the domination of men in public office is indisputable.

One needs only look at the paucity of women in politics. With the end of the elections, we have only 55 women among federal representatives. Rape culture is also a reality bequeathed from the past with a contemporary presence. What is more, 24 per cent of the victims point to the aggressors being either their father or stepfather, 32 per cent of cases are practised by friends or acquaintances of the victim, and many of these acts are committed by two or more persons: The immediate consequence of our institutional fragility is that only 35 per cent of victims file a report with the relevant authorities, which leads us to remain imprisoned in scandalous under-reporting.

According to the Ministry of Health, every four minutes a woman enters into SUS as a victim of sexual violence Carvalho, Estimates vary, but in general it is calculated that these cases correspond to only 10 per cent of the total. If we accumulate and project such data, we can arrive at the rate of nearly half a million rapes every year in Brazil. The number of femicides also remains high — 4. This rate is the fifth highest in the world, according to the World Health Organization The number of murders of Black women, from to , grew 54 per cent, going from 1, to 2, cases.

In the same period, the annual quantity of homicides of white women fell 9. Such indexes reveal that, in Brazil, a woman is murdered every two hours and that the country experiences the shameful rate of 4. There exist other populations in vulnerable conditions whose situation reveals that Brazil has never been, in fact, a republic and that the crisis in the country is not simply financial but also one of values.

As the anthropologist Renan Quinalha shows, in the same manner that we like to present ourselves as open to diversity in a variety of sexual, affective and identitarian experiences, we permit widespread criminality against those who do not share the model of heteronormativity.

On the other hand, if we celebrate the existence of one of the oldest LGBTQ movements in the world, which was formed 40 years ago and remained active under dictatorship, we have watched the election of leaders in the government who openly make a direct and unfettered association between politics and moral and sexual conduct.

To prove the existence and maintenance of so many paradoxes, it is enough to remember the increase in physical violence suffered by these populations. According to a study by the NGO Transgender Europe, between January and April , Brazil saw murders of transvestites and transsexuals; a number four times higher than in Mexico, the country with the second highest number of registered cases Exame, One way of assessing prejudice and the current process of exclusion is to note the lack of a public policy for verifying this form of crime.

Not publishing and not measuring is a form of not knowing or not caring. There is little public data, or reliable sources, at both national and regional levels, regarding homophobic violence. There are only mapping efforts developed by NGOs linked to the topic, who base their work, in turn, on news reports. This crisis has generated not only an increase in violence, but also much intolerance in the country. In fact, not long ago Brazilians liked to define themselves as harmonious, pacifistic and inclusive.

Today the public image is totally different. Now they are defined and define themselves as intolerant. Politically, intolerance presents itself as conduct that seeks to erase, or which simply does not accept, different points of view than those of a given individual. Such behaviour often utilises prejudice and the dissemination of stereotypes to affirm itself. Racism, sexism, misogyny, antisemitism, homophobia, religious or political pragmatism and fear of foreigners are known forms of social intolerance.

Since a moment when Brazilians judged that democracy had consolidated as the best political system and as a fundamental value — since it had the objective of guaranteeing freedom, equality and a regular statute of rights, although it never fully achieved this — we have watched the growth of social intolerance, in the world and notably in Brazil.

And maybe this is the greatest novelty: what once were hidden manifestations have become occasions of pride and self-celebration. This change in behaviour tends, firstly, to accelerate and become more visible in moments of open political polarisation. The aversion by itself is not necessarily a bad sentiment; it would be good if we developed an aversion to racism, femicides and gender crimes, or to a military dictatorship that suppressed the rights of Brazilians.

The issue will continue, however, knotted, if dissatisfaction can only provoke more dissatisfaction, channelled towards a supposed common enemy. This was, moreover, the format of the protests; few people noticed, but already there existed, in that context, two sides of the street that never converged. If the streets represented a space dominated by the political left until then, suddenly the purview was broadened, while simultaneously reduced: broadened, since it hosted other types of demands; reduced, since it divided the public space in such a manner that two groups never shared the same place.

Democracy, since the ancient Greeks, has been defined as an inconclusive process, one that must always be remade and broadened. In our case, the prevalence of representative democracy in Brazil, during 30 uninterrupted years, did not equip us to deal with a divided society that is tired of living in recession and of watching on television how so many cases of corruption occur at the heart of the state. It also attacked the world of politics and the homogeneity of our politicians, who are generally male, middle-class, heterosexual and middle-aged.

A new dystopia gained form in the world and travelled to Brazil. The demonstrators who took to the streets in had many sides and included diverse sectors representing a range of social complaints. Difference is not a problem to the contrary, it is part of the game , but intolerance is. What is certain is that, since the impeachment of president Dilma Rousseff in , the lid has been removed from the cauldron of resentment, which has resulted in a deliberate politics of hate and polarisations.

Since then, a movement has surfaced that lived on the margins, and started distributing intransigence, shamelessly declaring a lack of respect for any differences exposed in terms of belief, sexual orientation and public opinion. The other side also hardened: the left revealed equally their level of intolerance, adopting an ever more polarised discourse. During the campaign — in August, September and October — there were dozens of cases every day, over treble the 4.

The peak was in October, when voting for the first and second rounds occurred, with filed reports, an average of a little over 18 cases a day. The total of this month represents 67 per cent of the first six months of that year, and is over treble what was registered in October Occurrences of religious intolerance grew by per cent in relation to the three previous months, homophobia by 75 per cent and intolerance due to origin by 83 per cent.

Those due to colour or race grew by 15 per cent. The rise in violence revealed the scope of the intolerance. The Bureau for Human Rights of the Presidency of the Republic has shown how every three days a case of religious intolerance is registered. The report by the GGB informs us that in alone, the death of a victim was registered every 19 hours. And the number of cases of persons forced to hide LGBTQ flags also increased due to attacks, from insults to physical assault.

Foreigners from Latin America, from Haiti or even Africa have also suffered a newly belligerent attitude from the Brazilian populace; in , there was an increase by 63 per cent of cases of xenophobia, of which only 1 per cent resulted in litigation.

Intolerance has spread, in the same way, by way of social networks. According to the Internet Managing Committee of Brazil, in alone, between August and October, of every three minors with digital access, at least one had knowledge of someone who had suffered discrimination.

Those interviewed referred to cases of prejudice due to skin colour or race 24 per cent , appearance 16 per cent and homosexuality 13 per cent. Other research conducted in the same period, by SaferNet, an NGO that defends human rights on the Brazilian internet, showed thirty-nine thousand sites with racist content and exhortations to violence were reported for violating human rights.

Taken together, this data confirms how people who had felt restrained in demonstrating their intolerance now seem to feel emboldened, authorised. But it is difficult to explain such a lurch. When did we abandon the image of a country of cordiality to create a public representation of intransigence and an aversion to difference?

But a crucial element leads us to understand the growth of intolerance in our country: the deficiency in quality basic public education. According to the same study, furthermore, the lower the level of educational attainment, the greater the tendency to risk authoritarian solutions which are not receptive to dialogue.

After all, it is in school that students learn to live with difference and respect those who do not share the same familial experiences and forms of sociability. The answer to the political, economic, social and cultural crisis in which Brazil finds itself will only come with a more inclusive and egalitarian project for the nation. Democracies function better, write Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt , and survive for much longer, when constitutions are reinforced by democratic norms and not writs.

Authoritarianism, now, represents the antonym of democracy. In any case, learning from differences continues to be the golden rule of citizenship and a key part of the strengthening of the democratic bases of Brazilian society. Betting on polarisation, incentivising intolerance based on the proliferation of hate discourse and reinforcing social binaries, on the other hand, signifies going against the common good and working for division, which will make us less, not more.

References Almeida, S. Belo Horizonte: Letramento. Botelho, A. Schwarcz and H. Carvalho, M. Carvalho, J. Cerqueira, D. Crenshaw, K. DaMatta, R. Estarque, M. Ferreira, P. Gayer, E. Leal, V. Machado, M. McClintock, A. Dentzien Campinas: Editora da Unicamp. Michels, E. Moore Jr.

Quinalha, R. Reis, D. Ribeiro, D. The past of the present 55 Schwarcz, L. Moritz, H. Buarque de Almeida, J. Saggese et al. Moritz and F. Moritz and H. Vieira, O. Waiselfisz, J. Look, the thinner African descendant there weighed seven arrobas. They do nothing. Over a billion reais every year [is] wasted on them. We face this challenge by accepting two main limitations.

First, this synthesis includes but does not expand on the initiatives of negotiation, resistance and invention of the quilombola social movement, its communities, actors or thinkers; we restrict our discussion to the limits of the state.

Second, such a synthesis paints an inevitably incomplete picture, insofar as it speaks of an ongoing government that has been surprising Brazilian society on a nearly daily basis with attempts to dismantle victories won over the past three decades. Taking this into account, we note that the construction of rights for quilombolas since has been marked by ambiguities. The creation of public policies based on those rights has been marked by the tendency to restrict to the administrative and fiscal levels what is guaranteed by law and official programmes.

The quilombola struggle for the affirmation of rights, therefore, never experienced a particularly favourable moment — except, perhaps, at the very beginning of the first Lula administration. Seen in this light, all the advances made, as well as the growth of the national quilombola movement, have occurred under intense dispute.

The political perspective of class conciliation resulted in the internalisation of contradictions by the governments formed 1 Quilombo corresponds, in Portuguese America, to Maroons or Palenques from the Caribbean or Spanish America. They are descendants of Africans who formed settlements away from slavery. Arruti and T. Unfortunately, the easiest way to do this was the elimination — or drastic limitation — of the democratic practice itself.

The epigraph to this chapter is from a speech by the then federal deputy and potential presidential candidate Jair Bolsonaro, in one of the most traditional associations in Rio de Janeiro, addressing a constituent of the Jewish community. There are at least 56 Black rural quilombo communities in the Ribeira Valley: besides the 32 communities recognised by the state, six have initiated the process of land regularisation and 20 are waiting to start or restart it.

In the same address quoted above, the then deputy stated: If I get there [the presidency] there will be no money for NGOs. These scoundrels will have to work. A few months later, Bolsonaro was prosecuted and sentenced in the state of Rio de Janeiro for his statements, which were characterised as hate speech crime de racismo. The overlapping of these two events in that month, however, heralded an aggressive and explicit reaction to such achievements, presented in a language of disrespect that had not been registered in the speech of political actors since, at least, the period of re-democratisation.

Alongside labour precarisation, the revocation of social rights and the reduction of public services, de-democratisation also operates through the naturalisation of racism and the dismissal of liberal values associated with socio-cultural diversity, which marked the Brazilian democratisation process.

It consists of a project that aims to annul the degree of unpredictability that democracy, even limited as it may be, imposes on the full sovereignty of the markets and on the reproduction of domination. To describe how the de-democratisation process impacts quilombola communities, this chapter is divided into two parts. First, we present an overview of the process, full of obstacles, for the state recognition of collective rights for quilombolas in the context of the Constitution.

We then attempt to outline the most visible and immediate effects the current process of de-democratisation has on recent quilombola conquests. The development of a New Right The writing of a new constitution, which began in , was a fundamental moment in the Brazilian re-democratisation process.

Together with its outcome, the Constitution of , it was characterised by the recognition of fundamental social and ethnic rights. This was a watershed moment for Latin American constitutional revisions that underpinned the cycle of progressive governments on the continent. Alongside a series of advancements in the political and social fields, an important innovation of the Constitution was the creation of a specific chapter for indigenous rights. In addition, the terms of the new chapter on indigenous rights opened up hermeneutical possibilities for the recognition of other social groups, based on ethnic or cultural difference.

The distance between these two recognitions reveals, on the one hand, the elective affinity that Brazilian society establishes between Blacks and the cultural issue and, on the other, the reluctance of that same society to re- examine the right to land, and, more than that, to bring together in a single legal mechanism two central issues for the formation of national society, race and land Arruti, This definition, based on anthropological rather than historical grounds, was fundamental in the legislative debates held between and for the formulation of a bill which would regulate Article 68 of the ADCT.

In the case of Article 68 of the ADCT, it is valid until every quilombo receives its definitive land titles. This situation has a tendency to turn temporary into permanent articles. According to an estimate by the organisation Terra de Direitos, if the present pace is maintained, it will take about 1, years to title the 1, quilombola territories Schramm, The decree declared any quilombola titling not in line with its interpretation ungrounded, resulting in the paralysis of all ongoing processes at federal or state level.

Quilombola rights only resumed effective conditions in From onwards, the interpretative dispute migrated to the interior of the federal government, so that legal disputes gave way to disputes over technical procedures for the titling of collective territories within INCRA. After a new period of paralysis, marked by the internal publication of successive normative instructions on the same topic, INCRA arrived at the current definition of procedures only in The result of this long negotiation is a complex, time- consuming administrative process, which lasts, on average, ten years.

It is important to note that the title is valid subject to the maintenance of the common use of land: that is to say, the association cannot divide or sell the land, under penalty of returning it to the state. On the other hand, the decree had secondary effects, by establishing quilombo communities as a public with special and specific policies. Quilombo communities started to figure as a population to be included in participatory initiatives that multiplied at that time, as in the form of state and municipal councils for education and health.

The debate on how to include such populations in the national census was also initiated. The ensemble of such policies, of such instances of participation and of progressively qualified knowledge initiatives, contributed in the following years to the growth and spread of the quilombola movement across the national territory. As an increasing number of communities were becoming aware of the legislation and of the redefined official notion of the quilombo, the negative connotation the term still held in its colloquial rural use was gradually reversed.

This enabled communities to move beyond the initial estimates of the early s — pointing to the existence of some hundreds of communities concentrated in some states — to the current estimates by CONAQ of the existence of six thousand quilombos across the country. Statistics and Computing 24 4 , pp. Golombok, S. Child Development 85 2 , pp.

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