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Modern family season 5 torrent 08.09.2019

lyrics la vie en rose sophie milman torrent

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I found myself on new ground and was perpetually referred back to the original authorities. I discovered that, except for rare and slight notices, this sort of work had neither been done nor was likely to be done, and conferences with our best hymnologists only made x me more interested in doing it, and doing it as well as I could. Doubtless those whose specialities lie in mediaeval days will find much to criticise, but no one can be a severer critic than myself according to my means of information.

These chapters, like this Introduction, will be found to be written in the American language. Their purpose is to reach the popular desire for better knowledge, and it would be absurd to offer these facts in any dry or pedantic style.

Yet the scholar and the hymnologist will both find that a positive value and a careful accuracy attach to the work that has been done. I found I could take nothing for granted, and I took nothing for granted. Even the Archbishop of Dublin and the principal of Sackville College have their idiosyncrasies and predilections, and a quite easy way of writing on these topics is to copy what has been said already. Therefore life and song and color are not absent, I trust, from these pages.

I should not like to give all the authorities consulted or rummaged through; for, indeed, I have kept no record of them. Like the famous sun-dial I have registered none but the serene hours, and many a time the scarce and long-sought volume before me has been jejune enough. Bernard has turned out to be precisely the help I was seeking, bright in its style and careful and original in its researches.

I have verified its quotations too often not to pay it at least this faint tribute of approval. It would be also beyond measure ungrateful in me if I did not here acknowledge the kindnesses I have received in this quest after the Sangreal of a true psalmody. Let me name, then, the Astor Library. Its superintendent, Mr. Little, and its librarians, Mr. Bierstadt, have been uniformly courteous and obliging. So has been the Rev. Professor Charles A. Briggs, D. Personally, I am deeply indebted to the culture and friendship of Miss Marion L.

Pelton, Assistant Professor of Literature in xi Wellesley College, who has made for me many valuable notes; and to the assistance and counsel of Professor F. March, LL. Bird, Professor Philip Schaff, D. It will be readily seen that I have not concerned myself with the matter of the host of English translations, or with that of the comparison and criticism of the text of the hymns.

These branches of hymnology are in a scientific sense the most valuable, but in a popular sense they are the least interesting. And I could not hope to rival, far less to equal, such illustrious scholarship as that of Daniel or Mone.

I have therefore been content to pipe to a lesser reed, and in a more familiar and gossiping way to attempt the history of the hymns. I earnestly request every private man, as Scaliger did Cardan, not to take offence If thou knewest my modesty and simplicity, thou wouldest easily pardon and forgive what is here amiss, or by thee misconceived. The th and th were sung previous to the feast; the others, after it. We thus know, with singular accuracy, what was the first hymn of praise in the Christian Church.

It may be said, and with truth, that the Magnificat of Mary, the Nunc Dimittis of old Simeon, and, above all, that the Gloria in Excelsis Deo of the angels at Bethlehem, antedate this hymn of our Lord and His apostles. It may also be said, and with the same truth, that these furnished to the early Christians their earliest expressions of praise. But it appears that the Last Supper, with its pathetic union of Jewish and Christian ideas, was also the place at which the Psalms of David and the spiritual songs of primitive Christianity were united.

The thought that this reveals is larger than these limits will permit us to discuss. The noticeable fact remains that the early Church only caught the simplest and most fervent forms of this worship. Their pure veneration of the Lord led Pliny to write Ep. It is this loving devotion which charms us as we read those verses which have been preserved. For the most part the subjects are limited.

We could naturally expect that, being largely drawn from Jewish sources, they would express gratitude and adoration—and this is correct. Chrysostom declared that the early Christians sung at prayers in the morning, at their work, and very usually at their meals. The language of these hymns was either Syriac or Greek. By degrees the Greek obtained the precedence; and as the Latin hymns did not arise until Hilary of Poitiers fourth century , the period between the Ascension and that era belongs to the Greek language rather more than to any other.

We also know from the New Testament writers some very important facts, which may properly be classified at this point. There were three terms for the sacred song. It might be a psalm , or a hymn , or a spiritual song , as we discover from Ephesians and Colossians From 1 Corinthians , it seems plain that the composition, as well as the singing of these hymns and songs, might be the result of sudden emotion or inspiration.

The council of Laodicea circa A. We have received in the very pages of the New Testament some of these earliest hymns. To say nothing, at present, of those great leading chants which bear the names of the angels, and of Mary, and of Zacharias, and of Simeon—and to pass over all those of Jewish origin—we have still left us such a strain as that in Acts Here we have an impulse which expresses itself in reply to Peter and John by sacred song.

So too 1 Timothy has been arranged by some scholars as though it were a well-known strophe the Apostle quoted:. Nor is this the only instance in this very Epistle, for 1 Timothy , 16 , reads:. When, now, we complete our New Testament mention of this praise—which clings like incense to the temple-curtains and sweetly perfumes the place—we have only to add the earliest received anthems. It is natural, too, that the painter and physician, Luke, should have a poetic ear which could catch—as in the Acts of the Apostles—this faintest and earliest praise.

There were, indeed, in the primitive church, eight of these classic expressions of worship. These are:. We can feel quite sure that the Latin Church merely borrowed these hymns from the earliest forms of the Greek. The Te Deum was probably translated from that language, either by Hilary of Poitiers or by an unknown author of that date. It is, undoubtedly, a close rendering of many phrases and expressions which are common to the Greek hymns, and, if the learned hymnologist H.

Daniel is to be credited Thesaurus Hymnologicus II. It does not, of course, absolutely follow that these are really such fragments of hymns as scholars have supposed. The late Dr. Lyman Coleman—a man of great practical good judgment—comments upon these citations thus:. Yet the latest scholarship tends so strongly in this direction, and the internal evidence is so good and fair, that it may be regarded as pretty well affirmed and accepted.

No one, for example, would think of comparing such passages as these with the antithetic prose of Romans ; or with the magnificent unrhythmic utterance in Romans , 39 ; or with the careful particularity of 2 Corinthians They are seen and felt to be different both in tone and in form. In the Apocalypse, where the language is naturally exalted and poetic, several such instances have been noted.

They are: Revelation ; , 10, ; , 17, 18 ; , 4 ; , and In the same manner may be written the stanza from Revelation :. We have also a positive acquaintance with the order of religious worship in the early Church, dating back one hardly knows how far, but definitely leading us into the custom of the first three centuries. Public services began, and were continued, as follows:. First, Prayer —or, possibly, a Salutation or Invocation , such as is in common use to-day.

Then the Reading of Scripture. The Old Testament and New Testament were both employed: the one being expounded to apply to the case of the Christian Church; and the other for her comfort, encouragement, and edification. Then followed the Hymns and Psalms. The distinction appears to have been that the psalms were those of David; the hymns , such as the song of Mary, or of the angels; and the spiritual songs , such as were composed by private persons, or which sprang up spontaneously in a kind of chant.

Between these acts of praise was interpolated some brief Scripture lesson. And, very likely, a considerable portion of time was taken up by this part of the service. Another question now meets us, and one of some importance: Did the early Christians employ any musical instruments? Thus, with all these texts before us, we are not able either to affirm or deny the fact.

The reference of Paul 1 Cor. We are told, moreover, that the Syriac Church has always been rich in tunes, having fully two hundred and seventy-five, while the Greek was confined to about eight. There is another fact which comes in just here, however, to explain what we would otherwise find it hard to unriddle. It is the matter of the very language of the hymns themselves. When we observe the places where these fragments occur, or where singing in the church is mentioned, we find that the language naturally is Greek.

No one doubts that Luke and the other New Testament writers employed the tongue which was the educated and flexible medium of conveying the loftiest truth; nor that Ephesians or Corinthians chanted in Greek. So the irregularity of the verse; its utter lack of metrical form as Dr. Neale found when he examined eighteen quarto volumes of it , and its simplicity of diction, all combined to put the instrumental accompaniment aside.

Perhaps there was a prejudice—as Archbishop Trench affirms—against a distinctively Jewish method. Perhaps there was a disposition in this, as in other matters where art had perverted the morals of men, to oppose whatever looked toward a possible laxity. Music and banqueting, music and luxury, music and profligacy, went together so much that the early Church reacted to the extreme of Puritanism—forgetting that her 8 Lord and Master had often worshipped in the full-choired temple itself.

In the catacombs, where every manner of ordinary symbol may be found, there is neither pipe nor harp, nor any sort of musical instrument—the lyre alone excepted. But neither is there any condescension to beauty in form or color. Everything betokens a rude, uncultivated simplicity—a piety which contented itself with the barest and meagerest representations. It rose high enough to portray the face of Christ, in the ancient cemetery of Domitilla, and in one carving on a sarcophagus of the fourth century.

And, remembering how repugnant anything heathenish was to the souls of those who associated pipe and tabret and harp with the bloody arena and the wild revelry of Rome, can we doubt why they mingled only their unassisted voices in these chants of praise?

We are justified, however, in going one step beyond this bald statement, that the early Christians sang together. They sang secum invicem , alternately. The quotations already given show the adaptation of their hymns to this use. In this, at least, they were following the Jewish habit of responses and part-singing, whatever other changes their poverty or prejudices or principles or persecutions might have produced.

It remains for us to speak of the ancient hymns which have come down to our day. We have some information as to Harmonius and Bardesanes, who wrote Syriac hymns in the first century, but the hymns themselves are either lost or unidentified.

Ephrem Syrus died furnishes the earliest authentic hymns in that language. There is a trifle of doubt as to which is the very oldest Greek hymn. One cited by Basil died ,. That which it is safest for us to receive is one found in the works of Clement of Alexandria, and by him ascribed to an earlier author. It was probably composed about A. It begins:. Dexter, of Boston. As we turn the pages on which Daniel and Mone have recorded these hymns of the earliest age of the Church, we observe that they are either in praise of Christ or of God, or are songs of worship 10 for the morning or the evening.

Their simplicity is admirable. Another of these unplaced, anonymous, and possibly very ancient hymns, may be given in full for comparison:. Bernard also understood it—and as Gregory Nazianzen and Adam of St. Victor never knew it at all. Of old, in the temple, there was kept—said the rabbins—a flute of reed, plain and straight and simple, but of marvellous sweetness. But the king commanded his goldsmiths to cover and adorn it with gold and gems.

And, lo, the sweetness of the reed flute was forever gone! Thus, perchance, in our later art and our foolish wisdom, it may be we have often spoiled the ancient hymns! The genealogy of the song of praise in the mediaeval and modern Christian Church is both simple and beautiful. It begins far back, as we have seen, in the chants and psalms of the Hebrew. Then it changes to the Syriac and the Greek. Then it emerges into the Latin. Next it is caught up in the old High-German poetry, and at length it becomes the modern English hymn.

The line of direct descent is like that of some high and puissant family whose inheritance is transferred now to one branch and now to another, but whose noble lineage is never lost. He is aware that hymnology is called a branch of study, like any other scholastic pursuit. He is also aware that the more usual English and German hymns have their historians, and, to a limited degree, that they have been analyzed, classified, compared, and their text settled.

Even their impelling causes and surroundings are known, as in the case of the touching lyrics of George Neumark and Paul Gerhardt, or the pathetic strains of Cowper, or the stirring notes of Charles Wesley. But occasionally a bird of strange plumage flies across this peaceful sky or perches and sings in these religious groves. The name of some Greek father—an Anatolius or a John of Damascus—appears as the original author.

The hymn-horizon widens out to an earlier age. When one sings the Te Deum Laudamus , he discovers that it has its antecedent in the Greek liturgy. And when he employs that fine version of Bishop Patrick,. These little hints and stray gleams of outlook through the mists of uninformation are intensely alluring. For the most part it will be found that the Latin language contains the best of the Greek, and the inspiration of the majority of the first German hymns.

In the dead ark of the Middle Ages was kept this rod that budded and this golden pot with its sacred heavenly food. It is amazing that this treasure has been so well preserved, but it is none the less certain that we now have it safely, never to be lost again. There are no Latin hymns—let us here say—earlier than Hilary of Poitiers died His Hymnarium has perished, and all but one of the compositions attributed to himself are doubtful.

The true hymn —a different thing from the rhythmic but unmetrical sequence —here takes its rise. In this small, pure fountain-head reappear the percolating praises of the two previous centuries. The short lines drop with a gentle tinkling melody upon the ear.

As yet there is no rhyme, although there is an occasional lightening of the lyric by some such verbal art. But with Ambrose the full stream begins to sweep along. There can be no doubt that many ungathered and traditional stanzas were in his time discoverable in the Church—much as it can be observed that phrases in prayer or in exhortation are the inheritance of our own generation from days of struggle and of trial among our Christian ancestors.

Twelve possibly—eight, or less, with moderate certainty—can be regarded as of his own composition. The rules of the Venerable Bede are not infallible, and modern criticism frequently rejects what the early collectors are disposed to assign to this single illustrious source. Augustine wrote no actual hymns, but he was the cause of hymns in others—as, notably, in the case of Cardinal Peter Damiani.

The Ambrosian music and the Augustinian theology served for inspiration to many later men. Yet the assignment of these Latin hymns to their proper authors is, at the best, a most precarious undertaking. A few, quoted or mentioned by competent witnesses—as when Augustine quotes Ambrose—seem duly authentic.

This is, however, a rare occurrence. Generally we proceed upon the mere dictum of the first compilers—especially of Thomasius, George Fabricius, and Clichtove. These early compilations are sufficiently scarce. Professor Dr. Up to the middle of the present century this book was practically indispensable to any correct knowledge of the original texts.

Since that time it, as well as every similar work, has received attention, and its contents have been often reproduced. Other and later laborers are such as Cardinal Thomasius Rome, , who follows upon the traces of George Cassander, the Liberal Catholic Paris, We are possibly more indebted to Cassander than to Thomasius for the correct designation of a good deal of the authorship. Both of these editors collate the text with other versions, and thus prepare the way for later and more accurate work.

The recent republication 15 of the Mozarabic Breviary in J. Thus we are naturally led to speak of the sources of the hymns themselves—sources from which these editors have secured them. As a part of religious worship they were incorporated into the various breviaries, of which hundreds must have been in use before the unification begun by the Church of Rome in the sixteenth century.

Besides these church books, there were collections of hymns alone made by mediaeval schools, whose manuscripts still exist in European libraries. The only method by which to ascertain the number and extent of these treasures was to gather and classify them. And strangely enough this labor has been performed by Protestants rather than by Catholics.

The necessary and highly difficult task of getting the materials together has been exhaustively performed. But F. Mone enlarged even upon this. Its value consists in the fact that it is derived exclusively from manuscripts and from material hitherto untouched. The Germans, indeed, have made Latin hymnology a special branch of study, considering that it is profitable to them for its value religiously and historically. Wackernagel and Koch, the great historians of German hymnology, have also done admirable service in prefixing the Latin hymns to the earlier part of their collections and histories of German praise.

There is a host of lesser names, and there have been some separate discoveries worthy of note. Thus the English ritualists, under the lead of Newman and Neale, unearthed some capital lyrics. The Hymni Ecclesiae of Cardinal J. Newman, being half derived from the Paris Breviary, contain hymns which are scarcely to be found elsewhere—many of them, as our Index will show, being accessible only in those pages.

The Sequentiae Medii Aevii of Dr. John Mason Neale also bring to us texts which are extremely scarce. Archbishop Trench, in his collection of eighty hymns, has avoided anything like Romanism even to the occasional expurgation of a phrase; but he has given us a few hymns which are difficult to procure. More recently still Professor F. March, of Lafayette College, has prepared a selection of one hundred and fifty of these hymns for the use of institutions of learning; and this, for every purpose, is the finest and most satisfactory series of texts at our command.

The ordinary student can learn much from this before he needs to attempt the larger and more expensive works. In making an exhaustive index of all the originals before us, these collections soon dwindle into a very diminutive form. There are about three thousand five hundred hymns in the various books.

And they are of all sorts—good, bad, and indifferent. The good are the pure and true utterance of pious spirits—such lyrics as the Veni, Redemptor , and the Veni, Sancte Spiritus , and the Vexilla Regis.

The positively bad are those which are either poor in execution—a common fault—or decidedly defective in religious tone. Some are debased into mere patchwork. There are a few which are macaronic, and a great many in which poverty of phrase is helped out by wholesale pilfering. Moreover, it is easy to find those which are highly objectionable in point of taste and theology, to say nothing of prosody or Protestantism. And if Protestants are principally 17 energetic in restoring and editing these hymns, to the frank and generous extent of overlooking what is unpleasant in them, it ought to follow that they should not be blamed for preferring only those lyrics in which the broad and Christian fervor of devout souls can be observed.

Of those hymns which are upon the border line, the pathetic Stabat Mater may stand as an example. It would be bigotry to reject it from the list—as one compiler has done—while it would certainly not be fair to Protestants to utilize it, in any close translation, for the worship of the Church universal. Perhaps there are not less than from four to five hundred of these hymns, then, to which no cause of blame can attach—which are as dear to the Church of the Roman Catholics as to that of the Catholic Protestants.

On such common ground the heartiest sympathy and co-operation can develop the riches which yet remain. Already it is Caswall, the priest, and Newman, the cardinal, and Neale, the ritualist, who have given to our daily praise the happiest versions. It is Ozanam who has discovered several unknown hymns; and Gautier and Digby S. Wrangham who have brought out Adam of St. The study of these sacred verses has been comparatively limited in range and nationality, but it has had the incomparable advantage of being thorough.

Thus we are to-day possessed of the text of every really fine sacred Latin lyric. Somewhere or other it has bloomed and has been gathered by some acute hymnologist. The text, too, is tolerably clarified. Translations into our own tongue have been made by such men as Caswall and Newman and Neale who have rendered all the hymns of the Roman Breviary , and by Mant, Chandler, Pearson, Kynaston, and many others.

In America the Rev. Washburn, Dr. Coles, and Chancellor Benedict have been as prolific as any. Scattered renderings have obtained place in various hymnals. And we are now prepared at last for the general and popular interest which should be taken in this vast treasure of the Latin tongue. Nothing is more surprising than the utter misinformation which prevails. A few scholars, like Dr. Schaff and Dr.

William R. Williams, have endeavored to illuminate our American darkness. Yet Prudentius, the Spaniard, was a classic survival in Spain. And Damasus, the pope, was associated with certain dramatic scenes. And Venantius Fortunatus, troubadour and bishop, furnishes us with a most striking portrait of the times in his attachment to the abbess-queen, Radegunda.

Thus largely does the subject of the Latin hymns traverse the ages. To understand and to love these lyrics is to be better fitted for this nineteenth century of praise. Not the persecutors and the injurious, not the cruel and the cold-hearted will then remain to us; but the Dies Irae will utter its trumpet-voice above the dead phrases of a formal service, and the Salve caput cruentatum will call us afresh to the foot of the cross.

When Master Peter Abaelard was preparing his own hymns for use in the Abbey of the Paraclete, he prefaced them with a brief treatise. There were ninety-three of them, arranged for all the services of Heloise and her nuns, and he answers the request of his abbess-wife by sending them, somewhere in the neighborhood of the year Hence he made for these gentle sisters a hymn-book of their own, and so became the Watts or Wesley of their matins and vespers.

With characteristic self-confidence he only included what he had himself prepared; but this introduction casts a great deal of light upon the knowledge and piety of the time respecting hymns. He then quotes for her the decree of the fourth Council of Toledo A. To much the same effect are the words of Augustine of Hippo, centuries earlier. His beloved mother, Monica, had died, and 20 nothing appeared to comfort him so much as one of these same holy songs. For thou art the.

But there were more ancient hymns than the Ambrosian or Augustinian. They bear the name of Hilary, and with them Latin hymnology really begins. It is true that in the previous century—the third—Cyprian of Carthage had written religious poetry, but he composed nothing which could be sung. There is, indeed, nothing previous to Hilary. And now let us go back to the creation of this first and noblest light. For Hilary had been a heathen—a heathen of the heathen—in Roman Gaul.

He was born in Poitiers Pictavium about the beginning of the fourth century. Hilary was so celebrated a man that contemporary references are more abundant and helpful in his career even than in that of Shakespeare. He was doubtless well educated. His Latin was good and 21 copious, without possessing very great polish.

His Greek was sufficient to fit him to translate the creeds of the Eastern Church, and to become familiar with their hymns. We have his own testimony that he lived in comfort, if not in luxury; and the inference is plain that his family were of consequence in the place. It was in his leisure that he took up Moses and the prophets; and there, in that famous old town of his birth, the mists of his idolatry thinned away.

We do not know that any external pressure was brought to bear upon his mind, or that he was led by anything except a natural curiosity into this new learning. Poitiers itself is a noble situation for such an intellect. It is perched on a promontory, and surrounded on all sides by gorges and narrow valleys. The isthmus, which joins it back to the ridge, was once walled and ditched across. The Pictavi, and afterward the Romans, understood the military advantages of the spot.

It has always been the abode of scholars and of warriors. Here Francis Bacon once studied. Here Radegunda the Holy lies buried. Here Fortunatus, the poet-bishop, dwelled. Here Charles Martel hammered the Saracens in Here, in the Cathedral of St. Pierre, rest the ashes of Richard Coeur de Lion. Here, beneath these walls, fought Edward the Black Prince against King John of France, in , when the English had the best of the day.

For they had learned—as Bishop Hugh Latimer says that he himself was taught—how to draw the cloth-yard shaft to a head, and let it fly with a deadly aim. Hee taughte me how to drawe, how to laye my bodye in my bowe, and not to drawe with strength of armes as other nacions do, but with strength of the bodye.

I had my bowes boughte me accordyng to my age and strength; as I encreased in them, so my bowes were made bigger and bigger; for men shall never shoot well excepte they be broughte up in it. It was such archery as this that laid the flower of France in the dust, and put John, their king, into prison.

And as to his emergence from heathenism, there can be nothing more satisfactory to us than his own story. And when he read in Ps. All became plain. He accepted with calmness, firmness, and dignity the great doctrines of the Christian faith. There is no muddiness about his ideas from this time onward, though Arians buzz and sting, and calamities rain upon him, and the path of duty is deep with mire and the future is dark. Every one of these things passes away.

It matters very little, therefore, to us of to-day, that, in , Pius IX. The dead bishop did not need this posthumous distinction. We may hereafter attach more value to his work even than we do at present. This then was the man who had determined to enter upon a Christian life. He was already married and had one daughter—Abra by name—and possessed a certain repute as a man of reading and of affairs. His origin protected him from a contempt of pagan learning; and his marriage protected him from that one-sided development which has Romanized the once Catholic Church.

The period in which he lived was one of transition—from classic literature to Christian literature, and from the Latin of far-off Virgil and Cicero to the Latin which was to become the uniting tongue of all scholars in that Babel of the Middle Ages. This language was now shaping itself to its new work and becoming, like English under the genius of Chaucer, a living speech.

In the moulding hands of these first Christian writers it became flexible, not always fluent or graceful or even strictly grammatical, but capable at least to carry what would otherwise have been lost. Greek was gone, and French and German and English had not yet appeared. As a Gallo-Roman, then—a post-classic Latinist—Hilary gives in his allegiance to Christianity, and his wife and daughter are baptized with him into the true faith.

Then, on the death of their bishop—who is thought to have been Maxentius, the brother of St. Maximin of Trier—his townspeople clamored for Hilary. The Histoire Litteraire de la France sets this election down for the year ; but that authority, in this and 24 a great many other instances, is profuse and multitudinous and not absolutely safe.

We are certainly not far out from the correct date in saying He was so much one of themselves that the people of Poitiers would not have selected him, if they had not known him to be the best man for the mitre. From this time began that career of stainless honor which has outlasted the very walls which echoed his voice. He was known from Great Britain to the Indies. And to us of our century and of our convictions in favor of charity and culture, it is particularly praiseworthy that he never gave up his secular scholarship, and that he never flagged or faltered in defending opinions which were as large and liberal as they were undeniably orthodox.

He was an oak which stood against the blast unshaken, and which yet held, in the heart of its great branches, sweet nests of singing birds and leafy coverts of shade and peace. Hilary was not suffered to be inactive. It was the period at which the Arian heresy was in full incandescence.

No one holding the opinions of the Bishop of Poitiers could well remain neutral. He had—in conformity with a custom soon to become a law—separated his life from that of his home; but he appears always to have cherished a warm love for his wife and child. This placed him, however, in perfect freedom from other cares, and at liberty to devote himself to the eradication of false doctrine. Constantius, 25 the Emperor, was an Arian, and this made the perplexity of the position very great. An honest man might ruin all by his blunt independence—but an honest man dare not be silent.

And, besides, Hilary had neither attended the Synod of Arles nor that of Milan , and was somewhat out of the ecclesiastical tide. He prepared a letter to the Emperor as brave as it was keen, and which touched up with a vigorous lash the cringing sycophants and shuffling hypocrites about the court. Hilary is notably strong when he denounces the substitution of force for reason—and perhaps his doctorate came to him only in when he could not well care much for it because this doctrine of his was not altogether what Mother Church has been in the habit of teaching and practising!

I may refer to the recent work of the Rev. Smith upon The Church in Roman Gaul as fully confirming this statement. Martin of Tours is there called to bear testimony that the Bishop of Poitiers held such opinions just as sturdily in his days of power as in these times of trial and persecution. He was, in short, a thoroughly sincere man, and it took him only a few years—until —to get into the hottest bubbling spot of all the caldron.

At that date, in company with other leaders of the church in Gaul, he drove out a very pestilent fellow—Saturninus, the Bishop of Arles—as a seditious and irreconcilable element in their midst. With him was cast out Valens, and with Valens was cast out Ursacius. But of all these, Bishop Saturninus was the angriest and the most revengeful. A year of something like good order followed, when lo, the Arians came to the front with a synod of their own complexion at Beziers. Here Hilary found himself in the vocative case altogether.

The tables were turned upon him, and it was he who must now go forth a banished man. The power was against him, and he set out with bowed head and sad heart upon one of those pride-humbling journeys which have not seldom brought the greatest results to religion, and which not a few of the best men have taken in their day.

Principal among the causes of his sadness was that he was snatched away from his constant and congenial duty of explaining 26 the Scriptures to the people of his diocese. Still he had nothing for it but to go; and so, somewhere about , we find him in Phrygia. He is accompanied by Rodanius, Bishop of Toulouse, who had plucked up considerable courage by seeing how well Hilary took his defeat. In the Church in Roman Gaul sent him their greeting, from which that of his own Poitiers people was not absent.

And the Gallic bishops, having perceived him to be capable of much good service in his enforced residence abroad, bade him inform himself and them upon the creeds and customs of the Eastern Church. This he had already, to a degree, undertaken. And in , whom do we find entering a convocation of bishops at Seleucia but our very Hilary, opposing with a strong and unflinching philosophic power all those—and there were many there—who denied the consubstantiality of the Word.

It was the natural outcome of the difficulties with Athanasius, where the royal authority was on the side of the Arians. But he did it with effect, and proceeded to the council at Constantinople and did it again; and presently Constantius died and the Nicene Creed was victorious.

So was Hilary, who—in —returned to Poitiers, where, as soon as his crozier was once more well in hand, he levelled Saturninus and compelled him to abandon his diocese. He then turned upon Auxentius of Milan, who only escaped the same or a worse fate by clinging to Valentinian, the reigning Emperor, and was denounced by Hilary as a hypocrite for his pains. Our bishop appears in these days to have been decidedly a member of the Church Militant; and perhaps it was natural enough when one had survived the reigns of Constantius, Julian the Apostate, 27 and Jovian, for him to be as he was.

I am not commenting upon these exciting scenes; I desire rather to go back and show how they produced the hymns of which we are to speak. It was in —at the same date with the letters from the bishops and from the churches—that Abra, his daughter, wrote to him herself. From this epistle we learn that her mother still lived, and we observe the dutiful and loving daughter apparent in every line. In reply Hilary sends a well-composed and even imaginative letter.

Under the figures of a pearl and a garment he charges her to keep her soul and her conduct pure. He rather recommends a single life, but not in any such extravagant eulogy of celibacy as some would have us suppose. It is more after the style of what Grynaeus affirmed of him—that he was so moderate in these opinions as to suffer his canons to marry—since it would be hard for an unbiassed mind to draw any harsh conclusions from the language; yet all this is of small consequence compared with the enclosure—two Latin hymns, one for the morning and one for the evening, which she may use in the worship of God.

The first of these is the Lucis largitor splendide ; but the second is probably lost. This is very doubtful indeed, so much so that we may decline to receive it on several grounds. Yet if internal evidence is to weigh at all we must reject it without scruple. It is not a hymn in any true sense, and certainly has no reference to the evening hour of worship.

Moreover, the editors of the edition of only print four stanzas, and express their own disbelief that Hilary wrote it, based upon these facts and upon their no less important criticism of the style, which is masculine throughout, and refers to ideas highly inappropriate to the use intended. Mone is nearer to the correct doctrine 28 when he assigns it to a period between the sixth and eighth centuries.

It is in the metre familiar to modern eyes in the Integer vitae of Horace, but it displays neither taste nor poetry nor any religious fervor. That it begins each stanza with a consecutive letter of the alphabet is no proof of anything except wasted ingenuity. So that, I repeat, we do well to reject it and to leave it rejected. There she sang these simple, beautiful hymns—she the first singer of the new hymns of the Latin Church.

It may even be supposed that he gave her the tunes as well as the words, and that, by morning and by night, the battle-scarred Poitiers re-echoed this voice of the exiled bishop. Of the hymn itself as much can be said in favor as we have just said against its pretended and ill-matched companion. It breathes the Johannean sentiments throughout. It may easily have been a translation from the Greek, or, even more easily, the natural up-gush of melody which was touched into life by the frequent hearing of the Eastern hymns.

Hilary never learned it in an Arian church, nor did he find it among controversialists. Its nest, where it was first reared, was in some corner of a catacomb or in some nook of the Holy Land. Whether the Bishop of Poitiers had much or little learning, he wrote a valuable book on Synods , and translated for us many useful and otherwise inaccessible confessions of faith and statements of doctrine.

It was this manhood behind the Latin which went for more than all Rotterdam! Hilary is credited with a great deal, doubtless, that he never wrote. So he is, by Fortunatus, with miracles which he never performed. Alcuin and others assign to him the Gloria in Excelsis , but this was certainly more ancient than Hilary, being quoted by Athanasius in his treatise on Virginity.

He could at best merely have translated it. This he might also have done for the Te Deum laudamus. And since we know that he prepared a Liber Hymnorum —the first actual hymn-book of the Western Church—we have some reason to think that he would not have altogether forgotten the greatest chants of the early Christians. This hymn-book is utterly lost to us. This is not the same as the Liber Mysteriorum —the book of the mysteries—and its existence, like that of its companion work, rests upon the testimony of Jerome.

Doubtless in it there were other poems and songs from which the Hilarian authorship has been broken or lost. He threw his little lyric—as the Israelites did their jewelry—into the common treasury of the Church; and in the Breviaries, where so many of these hymns are to be discovered, a later and more critical scholarship may identify some of them hereafter. As delicate insects are preserved in amber, we there find much that we should otherwise have lost; but, like that very amber, when its electricity is excited, his was 30 that sort of reputation which attracted many anonymous trifles—as, for example, the Ad coeli clara —to itself.

His commentaries on the Psalms and on Matthew; his controversial pamphlets against Constantius; his book of Synods ; his twelve books De Trinitate —these are accessible in the Patrologia of Migne. The same authority also claims for him the first Pange lingua Pange lingua gloriosi, praelium certaminis , which is sometimes assigned to Claudianus Mamertus, but is the well-authenticated composition of Venantius Fortunatus, the troubadour and friend of Radegunda, the wife of Clotaire.

We may as well admit that a great man did not necessarily do all the great things of his day. Besides, the search after truth in this matter is complicated marvellously by the trade of the hymn-tinkers, who put new bottoms and tops and sides to a great many religious lyrics. Here is a case in point in Mone vol. The first stanza is from a morning hymn, supposed to be by Hilary. The second is from an Ambrosian hymn.

The third and fourth are from another Ambrosian hymn to the Archangel Michael. The sixth and seventh stanzas are also Ambrosian—from the Jesu corona virginum. Thus this single hymn of seven stanzas is mere patchwork, gathered from that Ambrosian hymnody which the Breviaries supply.

And finding all the rest of it credited to Ambrose and to his century, we are inclined to doubt that Hilary should be considered as the author of any portion at all. It rests mainly on the hymnological acumen of Cardinal Thomasius, which may or may not be liable to error. Kayser refuses, on one ground or another, to positively endorse any, except the one which all now concede.

Next to this in probability stands the Beata nobis gaudia though it is doubted by Professor March , and then the Deus pater ingenite , which is taken from the Mozarabic Breviary. The Jam meta noctis transiit , the In matutinis surgimus , and the Jesu refulsit omnium , have only the authority of Thomasius.

The Jesu quadragenariae , Daniel says, is an old hymn, but very certainly composed later than the time of Hilary. The Ad coeli clara we have already rejected. Thus we have one authentic and five conjectural Hilarian hymns. There is, however, great doubt resting on the Jesu refulsit omnium ; and if I consulted merely my own judgment, I should declare against it, if only in view of the rhymes —a characteristic which it would scarcely possess if it were genuinely of the fourth century.

And while we are upon this somewhat ungrateful duty of trying to set matters right, shall we pass over the slip which Mrs. Charles makes in her capital little book? Christian Life in Song. He of Arles assuredly did not. Of our own Hilary it may be added that the rest of his life was earnest, but comparatively quiet.

More to the purpose is it to find that the bishop had entered upon the composition of tunes for his hymns, and had taken up calligraphy and the ornamentation of manuscripts. This is attested by his will, executed in But whether Hilary wrote this is naturally an open question.

The good bishop died at Poitiers—as Jerome and Gregory of Tours declare—but the date is still a matter of some uncertainty. Valentinian and Valens were upon the throne, and it is safe to say that was the year. January 14th has also been assigned by some authorities, but with no better reason than a generally received tradition to this effect, and the fact that this is his day in the Roman calendar.

His body was, however, scattered rather widely. It was removed from its tomb in the time of Clovis—a bone of his arm was in Belgium, and some other portions of his anatomy were in Limoges. About the year , Dagobert is stated to have placed his remains in the Church of St. Dionysius, and so confident of this fact were the people of Poitiers, in , that they vehemently asserted that they had his relics there in perfect safety.

For aught we know to the contrary they were perfectly right, and the dust of their bishop is still resting peacefully in their midst. For his works, the Paris edition of is the best; but the Patrologia of J. Migne contains all that any one can need or care to see. It is the full reprint of the Paris volumes, together with biographical and critical notes, in Latin, prepared with great diligence and research; but, of course, from the Roman Catholic point of view.

Contemporary with Hilary of Poitiers, but probably a younger man, as he survived him by seventeen years, was Damasus of Rome. Like many other Romans of the imperial period, he was a Spaniard by birth; or, at least, he was the son of a Spaniard who had removed to Rome and had become a deacon or presbyter of the church dedicated to the memory of the Roman martyr, St.

Of his own earlier life we know very little. An extant epitaph records the fact that he had a sister who became a nun and died in her twentieth year. He himself served in the Church of St. Lawrence until his sixtieth year, when he was chosen Bishop of Rome; and in the accepted catalogue, which begins with the Apostle Peter, he ranks as the thirty-sixth bishop of the see. He was chosen bishop in A. The great Christological controversy was agitating the Church of both East and West.

The West was substantially in agreement with Athanasius, against both the Arians and the semi-Arians, and would have been entirely so but for the influence exerted by semi-Arian or Arian emperors and the courtly bishops of their party.

In the East and West were united 36 under his rule, and that year at Arles, as in at Milan, councils were called, in which the condemnation of Athanasius was procured by imperial blandishments. In the former the presbyter sent by Liberius to represent the Roman see subscribed with the majority.

But in the second his three representatives obeyed their instructions, and accepted disfavor and exile rather than subscribe. Then Liberius himself was summoned to Milan, and the weight of imperial threats and persuasions was brought to bear upon him. He withstood both manfully, and demanded as a preliminary to any discussion of the charges against Athanasius, that the Nicene Creed should be subscribed by all parties, and the banished bishops returned to their sees.

When given his choice between submission and exile, he chose the latter. In Rome, as in most of the cities of the West, Arians were not to be found. But in the Deacon Felix the court party obtained a candidate who, while himself a Trinitarian, was willing to hold communion with the Arians, and presumably to condemn Athanasius. Of the details of his election and ordination little is known, but we find him installed in the Roman see with the vigorous support of the civil authority, although not with the assent of the Roman people.

The great body of the Christians in Rome are said to have refused communion with him because he was tainted by communion with heretics; and when Constantius came to visit the city, he was besieged by the Christian ladies of the city with appeals for the restoration of Liberius.

In the mean time three years of exile to Thrace, where he was thrown of set purpose into constant association with bishops of the semi-Arian party, and isolated from his friends, had broken the spirit of Liberius. He was not a man of strong character, and, unfortunately for the theory of papal infallibility, he yielded.

He signed a creed compiled for the occasion, which described Christ as of like substance with the Father, and condemned Athanasius. Constantius seems to have foreseen the difficulties which would attend the presence of the two bishops in the city, and he consented to the return of Liberius unwillingly.

The body of the people and of the clergy at once rallied around Liberius, and rejected Felix altogether; and of this party was Damasus. But while they were willing to condone his weakness in the matter of condemning Athanasius, there was a party of more determined Athanasians who refused to do so, and the diocese now was divided between the three factions. That of Felix disappeared with his own death in and the death of Constantius in But the extreme Athanasians, although they did not attempt to set up a rival bishop while Liberius lived, perpetuated their party, and they probably received aid and comfort from a similar party which had arisen in the East, in opposition to the wiser and more charitable policy of Athanasius himself.

This party was called the Luciferians, from Lucifer, Bishop of Cagliari, in Sardinia, who was in exile in the East at the time when this question was raised there after the death of Constantius. In Liberius died, and the schism at once showed itself in Rome.

Damasus was chosen and ordained bishop in the regular form by the friends of Liberius, who were the great majority. But the Deacon Ursicinus was chosen by the Luciferian party, and ordained by bishops of that party in the basilica of St. Unfortunately the prefect of the city was a weak and ineffective man, who was quite unable to preserve peace between the two factions. It soon came to blows between them, and the pagan historian, Ammianus Marcellinus, tells us with what result:.

As Juventius was unable either to suppress or abate these evils, he yielded to the violence and withdrew to the 38 suburbs. And in the struggle Damasus overcame, as his party was the more determined of the two. It is admitted that in the basilica of Sicinus, which is a place of assemblage for Christian worship, there were found in one day one hundred and thirty-seven corpses of those who had been done to death; and also that the excitement of the populace abated slowly and with difficulty after the affair was over.

They now might have said it ironically. It is impossible to acquit Damasus of all responsibility in the matter, as he was a man of eminent ability and influence, and might have put an end to these scenes of violence if he had exerted his authority. It is equally impossible to believe that he took any part in them. The schism did not end with the bloody struggle around the basilica of St. It is true that the civil authority now interposed and banished the bishop of the Luciferian party.

We died for the profiteers! We died to enrich the wealthy. Chorus Shame, shame on you, Wrapped in your flags! You come to speak in our behalf When your government needs it. Sellouts, full of lies, You'll soon shut up! You'll soon shut up! Non, rien de rien, Non, je ne regrette rien. No, nothing at all No, I regret nothing, It's paid for, swept away, forgotten I don't give a damn about the past! With my memories I light the fire My sorrows, my pleasures, I don't need them any more My love affairs swept away With their quavers, Swept away forever.

I'm starting again at zero. No, nothing at all No, I regret nothing, Neither the good they've done to me nor the bad, It's all the same to me. The lyrics are adapted from a Russian-themed verse by Thomas Moore. I remember how, leaving it forever, I was hearing evening bells for the last time.

Now I can't bring back those days Of my illusory youth. And how many of my friends are dead already, They who were merry and young at that time! They are in a deep deathly sleep, They don't hear evening bells anymore. One day I also shall be in the cold ground. A sad melody above me The wind will spread it throughout the valley, Other singer will pass it. And it's not me, it's him Who will sing with evening bells.

As often happens in French folk songs the last line s of a verse become s the first line s of the next one. Refrain Mariez-vous, la belle, N'attendez plus tant, N'attendez plus tant! Refrain 3. Et la violette Fleurit dans les champs. L' fils du roi qui passe En cueillit longtemps, Refrain 4. Refrain 5. Refrain 7. Refrain 8. Le jour de nos noces S'ra l' plus beau de l'an!

Chorus Get married, pretty, Don't wait any longer Don't wait any longer! The vineyards are beautiful, The wheat is growing grain. And violets Are blossoming in the fields Chorus 3. And violets Are blossoming in the fields The king's son who passes by Picked some during a long while, Chorus 4.

The king's son who passes by Picked some during a long while, Gives some to his sweetheart As he hugs her. Chorus 5. Gives some to his sweetheart As he hugs her. When they're withered, It'll mean it'll be too late, Love me very quickly If your heart agrees. Chorus 8. Love me very quickly If your heart agrees. Our wedding day Will be the finest of the year! And you, poor soldier, must be patient If the petty cash is eater Don't be surprised If the petty cash is eater Don't be surprised Corporals go drink beer And you, poor soldier, go drink from the river The tempers we'll lose If we ever go to war The tempers we'll lose If we ever go to war Ah, if we ever go off campaigning The rifle blasts will repay all the canings Who wrote this song One of the battalion drummers Who wrote this song One of the battalion drummers One night while beating Retreat And thinking of his darling whom he misses forever.

My girls have been mourning for centuries My boys hold rifles and do not own them Where can I find my soul, the four-leafed tear! Notes to pronunciation: The accent indicates the stressed vowel. I also sang Mon Beau Sapin before Christmas.

Comme ils sont beaux, comme ils sont doux Et tes bonbons et tes joujoux! When, through winter, woods and fields Are stripped of their attractions My beautiful Christmas tree, King of the forests You keep your finery. You that Christmas planted at home On the holy birthday!

How they're beautiful, how they're sweet And your candies and your toys! You that Christmas planted at home All shining with light. My beautiful Christmas tree, your green summits And their faithful shade Of the faith that never lies Of constancy and peace, My beautiful Christmas tree, your green summits Offer me the sweet image.

A poem by Hannah Senesh , set to music by David Zehavi Borrowed from this blog : The poem of 14 words and six lines was written in Hebrew by Hannah Senesh, at Sdot Yam, Caesarea, on November 24, , as a prayer to God—a prayer with overtones of Psalm She was The theme of the cantata is a historical industrial dispute that ended with the massacre of miners in the northern Chilean city of Iquique in The work was premiered in July and recorded about 2 months later.

The master tapes were destroyed during the coup and the work was recorded again in The Cantata is structured in eighteen parts, which include five stories without music, a prelude and three interludes with music only, two announcements and seven songs, whose rhythms and instrumentalization vary notably to emphasize the theme treated in each song. LET'S GO WOMAN Let's go woman, let's leave for the city Everything will be different, no need to doubt, No need to doubt, have faith, you'll soon see Because in Iquique everyone will understand Take my blanket woman, it'll keep you warm, Take the baby in your arms, he won't cry, He won't cry, have faith, he will smile, You'll sing him a song he'll go to sleep.

What is wrong? Tell me. Don't stay silent any longer. You have a long way to go, Crossing hills, let's go, woman Let's go, woman, have faith for we must arrive, In the city, we'll be able to see the whole sea. They say that Iquique is as big as a salt flat, That there are many lovely houses, you'll like them, You will like them, have faith as you do God exists, There, in the port, everything will be better What is wrong? Let's go woman, let's leave for the city Everything will be different, no need to doubt No need to doubt, have faith, you'll soon see Because in Iquique everyone will understand.

Quand maridadas ne seretz. Un pauc de melhor temps auretz Un pauc, mas non pas gaire! Girls who are to be married, If you have any money, keep it well! When you're about to marry, Don't let hurry take hold of you, Be very wary And don't always say "yes indeed" Like utter simpletons! When you're married, You'll have some better time, Some, but not much! Your husband will be jealous And even a little grumpy. If you want to go walk about He won't let you go anywhere But to your mother's house And even then, he'll tell you, Don't stay there long!

After nine months, a year, You'll have a daughter or a son, The child will be weepy You'll have to rock all night You won't sleep much. You'll have pee-soaked petticoats, You'll have a filthy apron, You'll neglect yourselves, lit. Maridadetas ja seratz E de bon temps, ja vos'n veiratz Un pauc mas non pas guaire, E de bon temps ja vos'n veiratz Un pauc mes non pas guaire 3.

You'll be married And you'll have lit. Your husband will be jealous He won't let you go anywhere But to your father's house, Even then he'll tell you "Don't stay there long! And when New Year comes There'll be a baby, a child, The child will be weepy, You'll have to rock all night You won't sleep much. When you're married, You won't have much good time, You'll have some but not much!

Your husband will be jealous Maybe a little irritating. After nine months, a year, You'll have a daughter or a son, This child will be weepy You'll have to rock all night You won't sleep much. Rock with your hand, rock with your foot, Be your front friezing, be your back friezing, "Oh… how do you want me to live? All night long I must rock This puny monkey. After four or five years, Your children will grow, They'll call you "mother" And will ask you for bread, Bread… there won't be much!

When I went to knock on the door, Yes, they opened the door, I, I saw candles lit All around your coffin. Now that we're married, How will we manage to eat? La finforleta, Now that we're married, How will we manage to eat? La finforla. They go to meet "Guirlan" On her neck there's a bag of wheat, La finforleta They go to meet "Guirlan" On her neck there's a bag of wheat, La finforla. Now that we have food to eat, How will we manage to dance?

La finforleta, Now that we have food to eat, How will we manage to dance? They go to meet the rat For it to come and play the violin, La finforleta, They go to meet the rat For it to come and play the violin, La finforla. Now that we have dancing How will we manage to sleep? La finforleta, Now that we have dancing How will we manage to sleep? They go to meet the hayloft For it to provide them a good bed, La finforleta, They go to meet the hayloft For it to provide them a good bed, La finforla.

The melody is from , and the words There are some lines I didn't understand, so I didn't even try to translate them. People rejoice while everything turns green and blossoms. We see the animals springing with joy over green meadows. We hear the birds sing, who praise God with joy. The blossoms proceed to fruit, It's in your hands, your power and goodness are great.

Back to Index. You who drive the course of the rivers, you who sowed the flight of your soul. Rise up and look at your hands, to grow, hold it out to your brother. Together we will go united in blood, today is the time that can be tomorrow. Free us from the one who rules us in poverty. Bring us your kingdom of justice and equality. Blow like the wind the flower of the ravine. Clean like the fire the cannon of my rifle. Let your will be done at last here on earth. Give us your strength and your courage to fight.

Rise up and look at your hands, To grow, hold it out to your brother. Together we will go united in blood, Now and at the time of our death. How lovely your barley fields, trala Your granary is bursting with fruit, there is plenty, here Do you hear the bellows blowing, trala?

The cannon will broach it bis. How beautiful your daughters, trala In their eyes shining with joy, love will come down On the plains they are shooting each other, trala The soldier will rape them bis. How strong and sweet your sons, trala What a pleasure to hear them, whom will they sing to, now?

In 8 days they'll come and take them, trala The crow will eat them bis. As long as there are military, either your sons or mine Nothing on earth can be really good They'll kill you to shut you up, from behind, like a dog And all that for nothing bis. El muerto es el Che Guevara, y era argentino y cubano, y era argentino y cubano, soldadito de Bolivia, y era argentino y cubano.

Con el cobre que te paga, soldadito boliviano, que te vendes, que te compra, es lo que piensa el tirano, es lo que piensa el tirano, soldadito de Bolivia, es lo que piensa el tirano. Barrientos gave it to you, Little Bolivian soldier, A gift from Mr. Johnson, To kill your brother, To kill your brother, Little soldier from Bolivia, To kill your brother.

You don't know who the dead man is, Little Bolivian soldier? My whole guitar, Little Bolivian soldier, Is in mourning, but it does not cry, Although crying is human Although crying is human, Little soldier from Bolivia, Although crying is human. It doesn't cry because the time, Little Bolivian soldier, Is not of tears and handkerchiefs, But of a machete in hand, But of a machete in hand, Little soldier from Bolivia, But of a machete in hand. With the copper he pays you, Little Bolivian soldier, That you sell yourself, that he buys you, That's what the tyrant thinks, That's what the tyrant thinks, Little soldier from Bolivia, That's what the tyrant thinks.

Wake up, it's already daylight, Little Bolivian soldier, Everyone is in place, Because the sun rose early, Because the sun rose early, Little soldier from Bolivia, Because the sun came up early. Take the right path, Little Bolivian soldier, It's not always an easy path, It is not always easy or flat, It is not always easy or flat, Little soldier from Bolivia, It is not always easy or flat.

But you will learn for sure, Little Bolivian soldier, That you do not kill your brother, That you do not kill your brother, That you do not kill your brother, Little soldier from Bolivia, That you do not kill your brother. Would you make a tragedy of it or not?

I know you, I know that you Would just say 'what a pity' and nothing more And you would laugh, you would pass over it, You are more modern than me about these things. Luckily, nothing happened Just thoughts, nothing at all You know that deep down we really love each other Tenderly, deeply True love, my love My only adventure is this one with you Anything, any excuse Won't separate me from you But if I knew, that yesterday you Held another in your arms in my place I'd kill you, I'd go crazy.

Na voz de um cantador. Felt hat, medallion round your neck Have you been made sheriff Of the mountains and the reefs? No, my son, I've taken a bath Shod in gaiters, cane in hand Going to pay homage to the king If you like, come with me. Neither the moose nor the wolverine You're the only king I know Comb out your silly fur And follow me in wolf-steps. They walked for 4 leagues Got near a rushing river Wild, and overflowing With cries and songs of farewell.

Hello, Sire, it's me, the wolf Do you see me? Do you hear me? I have come through the wood To greet you as one should. He stands straight, greets the bear Whose paw is in the trap Lots of blood upon the moss And the first snow falls. They came back overnight Through lovely birches The bigger one walked in front And wept copiously. Here is a Russian page with 3 very slightly different set of lyrics and 2 scores one in D, one in E. Online recording Live rendition in traditional outfits!

Many more! Alas, my Alhama! There an old alfaqui spoke, his beard beautiful and gray What do you summon us for, king? What's the reason for this call? So that you know, friends, of the great loss of Alhama. He was brought letters — [telling] Alhama was taken.

He threw the letters in the fire and killed the messenger Alas, my Alhama! And his war drums at once to sound to arms So that his Moors hear it, the ones from the plain and Granada.

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